Rapoldi Park
Leipziger Platz
Worth knowing
Zwischen Leipzigerplatz, Sill und den Pradler Bauernhöfen beim Florianibrunnen erstreckt sich eine der grünen Oasen Innsbrucks. Der Rapoldipark ist ob seiner zentralen Lage, den vielfältigen Möglichkeiten und der gepflegten Gartenanlage beliebt bei Alt und Jung. Die Entwicklung von ein paar Spazierwegen hin zum Sport- und Spielparadies dauerte fast 100 Jahre.
Den Anfang nahm der Park zwischen dem 1861 in Betrieb gegangenen Gaswerk und dem Leipziger Platz. Neben den herrschaftlichen Bürgerhäusern erhielt sich eine kleine unverbaute Fläche. Während der von Hunger geprägten letzten Jahre des Ersten Weltkrieges wurden hier Schrebergärten zur Versorgung der Bevölkerung angelegt.
Nach dem Krieg wurden die freigewordenen Flächen südlich des Gaswerks in einen Park umgebaut. Der Rapoldipark war ein typisches Projekt der Ersten Republik. Die von jungen Bäumen gesäumten Spazierwege und Bänke vor dem mächtigen Werksgebäude sollten der in Pradl ansässigen Arbeiterschaft ein wenig Ruhe und Erholung ermöglichen. Die Grundstruktur des alten, südlichen Teils des Parks beruht noch immer auf diesen Plänen.
Die offizielle Eröffnung als Parkanlage fand 1927 statt, zwei Jahre vor der Fertigstellung des benachbarten Städtischen Hallenbades. Namensgeber war der kurz zuvor verstorbene Politiker Martin Rapoldi (1880 – 1926), der sich im Arbeiterbezirk Pradl höchster Beliebtheit erfreut hatte. Rapoldi und seine Frau Maria zählten zu den einflussreichsten Persönlichkeiten der frühen Tiroler Sozialdemokratie. Martin war maßgeblich an Aufbau und Herausgabe der Tageszeitung Volks-Zeitung beteiligt. Als Abgeordneter im Tiroler Landtag und im ersten gewählten Nationalrat der Ersten Republik sowie als Vizebürgermeister Innsbrucks setzte er sich für die Bedürfnisse der Arbeiterschaft ein. Fast noch beeindruckender liest sich die Vita seiner Frau Maria. Sie war ein frühes Mitglied der Frauenorganisation der Sozialdemokratie. Nach dem Verbot der Partei unter Bundeskanzler Dollfuß engagierte sich die junge Witwe zuständig für die Versorgung der Familien eingesperrter Genossen und wurde nach dem Anschluss Österreichs 1938 als Mitglied der Arbeiterbewegung verhaftet. 1946 wurde sie in den Innsbrucker Gemeinderat einberufen.
Auch während des Zweiten Weltkrieges und den ersten Jahren der Nachkriegszeit wurde die Anlage wieder als Ackerfläche genutzt. 1958 wurde das sehenswerte, aber nicht unumstrittene Symbol des Rapoldiparks aufgestellt. Der Künstler Hans Plangger (1899 – 1971) hatte den Salige-Fräulein-Brunnen 1944 für die Gau art exhibition Tyrol-Vorarlberg entworfen. Final ausgeführt und aufgestellt wurde sie allerdings erst nach Beauftragung durch den Gemeinderat im Jahr 1953. Die nationalsozialistische Ästhetik, Formensprache und Symbolik fand offenbar noch immer großen Zu- und wenig Widerspruch.
Der gebürtige Südtiroler Plangger hatte sein Studium wie viele seiner Künstlerkollegen der ersten Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts bei Josef Müllner an der Akademie der Bildenden Künste absolviert. Seinen Einstieg in die nationalsozialistischen Kunstszene schaffte er 1937 auf der Großen Deutsche Kunstausstellung in München. Er zählte dank seiner klaren Formensprache und Ästhetik zu den geförderten Künstlern des Systems. Ursprünglich geplanter Aufstellungsort war der Rennweg. Dort sollte es als Hintergrund und Aufputz für Aufmärsche der Nationalsozialisten dienen. Das monumentale, aus einem Marmorblock gefertigte Kunstwerk zeigt drei barbusige Frauen und einen Faun, der hinter den Damen sitzt. Die Saligen Frauen sind Sagengestalten aus dem alpinen Raum vorchristlicher Zeiten. Sie galten in vielen europäischen Kulturen in verschiedener Form als Archetyp für Reinheit und Weisheit. In vielen Geschichten und Überlieferungen werden sie als Bewahrer vor Missernten, Unglück und Unfruchtbarkeit geschildert. Plangger gab ihnen am Brunnen die Form der idealisierten, arisch-tugendhaften Frau, stark und weiblich-mütterlich zugleich.
1974 wurde das Gaswerk etwas weiter in den Osten an den Sillzwickl verlegt. Der Spirit der 1970er, aus dem später die ersten Umweltschutzbewegungen hervorgehen sollten, machte sich in der Bevölkerung und der Stadtplanung bemerkbar. Anders als auf den Campgrounds bei der Triumphpforte, wo 45 Jahre zuvor anstatt eines Parks das umstrittene Hochhaus gebaut wurde, zeigte man Mut zum Grünen. Eine Bürgerbefragung ergab, dass der neue, nördliche Teil des Rapoldiparks nicht als distanzierte viktorianische Anlage, sondern naturbelassen gestaltet werden sollte. Innerhalb von drei Jahren entstanden an der ehemaligen Stelle des kohleverbrennenden Gaswerks ein Spielplatz, eine Liegewiese, ein Sportplatz, Tischtennistische, Bocciabahnen und der Ententeich. Während der jüngsten Renovierungen veränderte sich der Park vom naturbelassenen Projekt der 1970er nur in Details.
Auch dieser neue Teil erhielt in den 1980er Jahren einen Brunnen. Der in Pradl aufgewachsene Künstler Helmut Schober gestaltete gemeinsam mit dem Mailänder Architekten Flavio Conti eine bronzene Brunnenskulptur auf einem mit Natursteinen gepflasterten Viereck. Der Kreis, der für das Göttliche steht, verbindet sich mit dem Quadrat, dem Symbol für das Weltliche. Die gewellte Oberfläche des Kreises wird vom Wasser sanft umspült und symbolisiert Christus, der von Thomas von Aquin mit einer das Universum überflutenden Welle verglichen wurde.
Der Rapoldipark genoss nicht immer den besten Ruf. Obdachlose und Drogenabhängige suchten den Park ebenso gerne auf wie Familien. Pradler sind trotzdem stolz auf ihre grüne Lunge am Rand der Innenstadt, frei nach dem Motto: „In Pradl wohnt der Adel".
A First Republic emerges
Few eras are more difficult to grasp than the interwar period. The Roaring TwentiesJazz and automobiles come to mind, as do inflation and the economic crisis. In big cities like Berlin, young ladies behaved as Flappers with a bobbed head, cigarette and short skirts, lascivious to the new sounds, Innsbruck's population, as part of the young Republic of Austria, belonged for the most part to the faction of poverty, economic crisis and political polarisation.
Although the Republic of German-Austria had been proclaimed, it was unclear how things would continue in Austria. The monarchy and nobility were banned. The bureaucratic state of the k.u.k. Empire was seamlessly established under a new flag and name. As the successors to the old crown lands, the federal states were given a great deal of room for manoeuvre in legislation and administration within the framework of federalism. However, enthusiasm for the new state was limited. Not only was the supply situation miserable after the loss of the vast majority of the former Habsburg empire, but people also mistrusted the basic idea of the republic. The monarchy had not been perfect, but only very few people could relate to the idea of democracy. Instead of being subjects of the emperor, they were now citizens, but only citizens of a dwarf state with an oversized capital that was little loved in the provinces instead of a large empire. In the former crown lands, most of which were governed by Christian socialists, people liked to speak of the Viennese water headwho was fed by the yields of the industrious rural population.
Austria was deeply divided. Capital and provinces, city and countryside, citizens, workers and farmers - in the vacuum of the first post-war years, each group wanted to shape the future according to their own ideas. The divide did not only exist on a political level. Morality, family, leisure activities, education, faith, understanding of the law - every area of life was affected. Who should rule? How should wealth, rights and duties be distributed? What should be done with public buildings such as barracks, castles and palaces?
The revolution in Russia and the ensuing civil war with millions of deaths, expropriation and a complete reversal of the system cast a long shadow over Europe. The prospect of Soviet conditions made people afraid. A communist coup was not a real danger, especially in Tyrol, but could be easily instrumentalised in the media as a threat to discredit social democracy.
Italian troops occupied Innsbruck for almost two years after the end of the war. At the peace negotiations in Paris, the Brenner Pass was declared the new border. The historic Tyrol was divided in two. The military was stationed at the Brenner Pass to secure a border that had never existed before and was perceived as unnatural and unjust. Many people on both sides of the Brenner felt betrayed. Although the war was far from won, they did not see themselves as losers to Italy. Hatred of Italians reached its peak in the interwar period, even if the occupying troops were emphatically lenient. A passage from the short story collection "The front above the peaks" by the National Socialist author Karl Springenschmid from the 1930s reflects the general mood:
"The young girl says, 'Becoming Italian would be the worst thing.
Old Tappeiner just nods and grumbles: "I know it myself and we all know it: becoming a whale would be the worst thing."
The newly founded Tyrolean People's Party was at least as hostile to Vienna and the Social Democrats as it was to the Italians. The new Austria seemed too small and not viable. Other federal states were also toying with the idea of seceding from the Republic after the plan to join Germany, which was supported by all parties, was forbidden by the victorious powers of the First World War. The Tyrolean plans, however, were particularly spectacular. From a neutral Alpine state with other federal states, a free state consisting of Tyrol and Bavaria or from Kufstein to Salurn, an annexation to Switzerland to a Catholic church state under papal leadership, there were many ideas. The annexation to Germany was approved by 98% in a vote in Tyrol, but never materialised.
However, high politics was only the framework for the real problems. The epidemic that went down in history as the Spanish flu also took its toll in Innsbruck in the years after the war. Exact figures were not recorded, but the number of deaths worldwide is estimated at 27 - 50 million. Many Innsbruck residents had not returned home from the battlefields and were missing as fathers, husbands and labourers. Many of those who had made it back were wounded and scarred by the horrors of war. As late as February 1920, the "Tyrolean Committee of the Siberians" at the Gasthof Breinößl "...in favour of the fund for the repatriation of our prisoners of war..." a charity evening.
Many people, especially civil servants and public sector employees, had lost their jobs after the League of Nations tied its loan to harsh austerity measures. Tourism as an economic factor was non-existent due to the problems in the neighbouring countries, which were also shaken by the war. It was not until the currency reorganisation and the introduction of the schilling as the new currency in 1925 under Chancellor Ignaz Seipel that Innsbruck slowly began to recover. Major projects such as the Tivoli, the municipal indoor swimming pool, new schools and apartment blocks could only be realised after the first post-war problems had been overcome.
The first republic was a difficult birth from the remnants of the former monarchy and it was not to last long. Despite many post-war problems, however, the First Republic also saw many positive developments. Subjects became citizens. What began in the time of Maria Theresa was now continued under new auspices. The change from subject to citizen was characterised not only by a new right to vote, but above all by the increased care of the state. Schools, kindergartens, labour offices, hospitals and municipal housing estates replaced the benevolence of wealthy citizens, the monarchy and the church. Times were hard and the new system had not yet been honed.
To this day, much of the Austrian state and Innsbruck's cityscape and infrastructure are based on what emerged after the collapse of the monarchy. In Innsbruck, there are no conscious memorials to the emergence of the First Republic in Austria. The listed housing projects such as the Schlachthofblock, the Pembaurblock or the Mandelsbergerblock in Saggen as well as in Pradl and Wilten are contemporary witnesses in stone.
Risen from the ruins
After the end of the war, US troops controlled Tyrol for two months. The victorious French then took over the administration. The Tyroleans were spared the Soviet occupation that descended on eastern Austria. Hunger was the people's greatest enemy, especially in the first three years after the war. May 1945 brought not only the end of the war, but also snow. The winter of 1946/47 went down in Tyrolean climate history as particularly cold and long, the summer as particularly hot and dry. There were crop failures of up to 50%.
The supply situation was catastrophic, especially in the city in the immediate post-war period. The daily procurement of food became a life-threatening concern in the everyday lives of the people of Innsbruck. In addition to the city's own citizens, thousands of Displaced PersonsThe Tyrolean government had to feed a large number of people, freed forced labourers and occupying soldiers. To accomplish this task, the Tyrolean provincial government had to rely on outside help. The chairman of the UNRRA (Note: United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration), which supplied war zones with essentials, Fiorello La Guardia counted Austria "to those peoples of the world who are closest to starvation.“
Milk, bread, eggs, sugar, flour, fat - there was too little of everything. The French occupation was unable to meet the demand for the required kilocalories per capita, as the local population and the emergency services often lacked supplies. Until 1946, they even took goods from the Tyrolean economy.
Food was supplied via ration cards just a few weeks after the end of the war. Adults had to present a confirmation from the labour office in order to obtain these cards. The rations differed depending on the category of labourer. Heavy labourers, pregnant women and nursing mothers received food with a "value" of 2700 calories. Craftsmen with light occupations, civil servants and freelancers received 1850 kilocalories, white-collar workers 1450 calories. Housewives and other "normal consumers" could only receive 1200 calories.
There were also initiatives such as community kitchens and meals for schoolchildren, which were provided by foreign aid organisations. Care packages arrived from America from the charity organisation Cooperative for American Remittances to Europe. Many children were sent to foster homes in Switzerland in the summer to regain their strength and put a few extra kilos on their ribs.
However, all these measures were not enough for everyone. Housewives and other "normal consumers" in particular suffered from the low allocations. Despite the risk of being arrested, many Innsbruck residents travelled to the surrounding villages to hoard. Those who had money paid sometimes utopian prices to the farmers. Those who had none had to beg for food. In extreme cases, women whose husbands had been killed, captured or were missing saw no other way out than to prostitute themselves. These women, especially the unfortunate ones who became pregnant, had to endure the worst abuse for themselves and their offspring. Austria was still 30 years away from legalised abortion.
Politicians were largely powerless in the face of this. Even in normal times, it was impossible to pacify all interests. Many decisions between the parliament in Vienna, the Tyrolean provincial parliament and Innsbruck town hall were incomprehensible to the people. While children had to do without fruit and vitamins, some farmers legally distilled profitable schnapps. Official buildings and commercial enterprises were given free rein by the Innsbruck electricity company, while private households were restricted access to electricity at several times of the day from October 1945. The same disadvantage for households compared to businesses applied to the supply of coal.
The old rifts between town and country also grew wider and more hateful. Innsbruckers accused the surrounding population of deliberately withholding food for the black market. There were assaults, thefts and woodcutting. Transports at the railway station were guarded by armed units. The first Tyrolean governor Gruber, himself an illegal member of the resistance during the war, sympathised with the situation of the people who rebelled against the system, but was unable to do anything about it. The mayor of Innsbruck, Anton Melzer, also had his hands tied. Not only was it difficult to reconcile the needs of all interest groups, there were repeated cases of corruption and favours to relatives and acquaintances among the civil servants. Gruber's successor in the provincial governor's chair, Alfons Weißgatterer, had to survive several small riots when the people's anger was vented and stones flew towards the provincial parliament:
„Are the broken windows that clattered from the country house onto the street yesterday suitable arguments to prove our will to rebuild? Shouldn't we remember that economic difficulties have never been resolved by demonstrations and rallies in any country?“
Even though the situation eased after 1947, living conditions in Tyrol remained precarious. Food rationing was only stopped on 1 July 1953.
The housing situation was at least as bad. An estimated 30,000 Innsbruck residents were homeless, living in cramped conditions with relatives or in shanty towns such as the former labour camp in Reichenau, the shanty town for displaced persons from the former German territories of Europe, popularly known as the "Ausländerlager", or the "Ausländerlager". Bocksiedlung. There are few reminders of the disastrous state Innsbruck was in after the air raids of the last years of the war in the first years after the war. Tens of thousands of citizens helped to clear rubble and debris from the streets. Maria-Theresien-Straße, Museumstraße, the Bahnhofsviertel, Wilten and Pradlerstraße would probably have been much more attractive if the holes in the streetscape had not had to be quickly filled in order to create living space for the many homeless and returnees as quickly as possible.
However, aesthetics were a luxury that could not be afforded in this situation. The emaciated population needed new living space to escape the unhealthy living conditions in which large families were sometimes quartered in one-room flats. As after the First World War, when the Spanish flu claimed many victims, there was also an increase in dangerous infections in 1945. Vaccines against tuberculosis could not be supplied in the first winter. Hospital beds were also in short supply.
However, Innsbruck was lucky in misfortune. The French troops under Emile Bethouart behaved very mildly towards the former enemy and were friendly and open-minded towards the Tyrolean culture and population. Initially hostile towards the occupying power - yet another war had been lost - the scepticism of the people of Innsbruck gradually gave way. The soldiers were particularly popular with the children because of the chocolates and sweets they handed out. Many people were given jobs within the French administration. Many a Tyrolean saw dark-skinned people for the first time thanks to the uniformed members of the 4th Moroccan Mountain Division, who made up the majority of the soldiers until September 1945.
The monument to the French on Landhausplatz commemorates the French occupation. At the Emile Bethouart footbridgeThe memorial plaque on the river Inn, which connects St. Nikolaus and the city centre, is a good expression of the relationship between the occupation and the population:
"Arrived as a winner.
Remained as a protector.
Returned home as a friend."
Life reform and social democracy
"Light air and sun" was the motto of the Lebensreform, a collective movement of alternative lifestyles that began in Germany in the late 19th century in step with the development of social democracy and the rise of the bourgeoisie. People wanted to distance themselves from what Max Weber described as the Protestant ethic, industry, time clocks and, in general, rapid technological progress with all its effects on people and the social fabric. The culture of the old society, in which the nobility and clergy stood above the rest of society, was to be overcome.
The Lebensreform influenced art and architecture in particular. Urbanisation and the associated living conditions were increasingly perceived as a burden. Art Nouveau in its playfulness was the artistic response of the bourgeois elites and creative minds to this Back to the origin of the turn of the century, was hardly able to assert itself in Innsbruck. People as individuals, not their economic performance, should once again take centre stage. This attitude gave rise to vegetarianism, nudism, garden cities, various esoteric movements and other alternative lifestyles, which have survived in one form or another to this day.
What was possible for wealthy citizens in their villas in Saggen, Wilten and Pradl was denied to most workers. Many tenement blocks were dreary and overcrowded biotopes without infrastructure such as sports facilities or parks. Modern housing estates should be functional, comfortable, affordable and connected with green spaces. These views also prevailed in public authorities. Albert Gruber, professor at the Innsbruck Trade School, wrote in 1907:
"I've often heard people say that we don't need plants in Innsbruck, that nature provides us with everything, but that's not true. What could be nicer than when professionals can walk from their place of work to their home through a series of plants. It turns the journey to and from work into a relaxing walk. Incidentally, there are many reasons why planting trees and gardens in urban areas is beneficial. I do not want to emphasise the interaction between people and plants, which is probably well known. In another way, plants improve the air we breathe by reducing dust."
In many cases, however, the fulfilment of this demand had to wait until after the First World War. The major infrastructure and housing projects in Innsbruck, such as the Tivoli, the municipal indoor swimming pool, the Pembaur, Mandelsberger and Schlachthof blocks, were not realised until the First Republic. Although social democracy had officially existed as a political movement since 1889, it only had very limited creative possibilities under the Habsburg monarchy. This was doubly true for the conservative Catholic Tyrol.
Josef Prachensky (1861 - 1931), the father of architect and town planner Theodor Prachensky, was a well-known Innsbruck representative of the Lebensreform and social democracy. He grew up in German-speaking Bohemia, then part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. As a trained book printer, he discovered the labour movement during his wanderings in Vienna during the book printers' strike. After marrying a Tyrolean woman, he settled in Innsbruck, where he worked as an editor for the Social Democratic People's newspaper for Tyrol and Vorarlberg worked. Josef Prachensky supported the Arbeiter-Consum-Vereinwhich Tyrolean labourers' bakery and founded the catering business "Non-alcoholic", which aimed to improve general health in the spirit of the life reform movement and socialism. Friedrich Engels (1820 - 1895), the co-author of the Communist Manifestohad recognised schnapps and brandy as an evil of the working class in the first half of the 19th century. Socialism shared the goal of getting people away from alcohol with church organisations, like so many other things. The communist revolution was no more feasible with addicts than a virtuous, God-pleasing life.
Prachensky was involved in the founding of the Tyrolean Social Democratic Party in 1890 and, after the First World War, in the founding of the Tyrolean Republican Defence League the left-wing counterpart to the right-wing Heimwehr organisations. One of his particular concerns was the restriction of the church on school education, which was still very high in the 19th and early 20th century, even in the actually liberal Innsbruck, which had to adhere to the national school regulations.
Innsbruck's industrial revolutions
In the 15th century, the first early form of industrialisation began to develop in Innsbruck. Bell and weapon founders such as the Löfflers set up factories in Hötting, Mühlau and Dreiheiligen, which were among the leading factories of their time. Although entrepreneurs were not of noble blood, they often had more capital at their disposal than the aristocracy. The old hierarchies still existed, but were beginning to become at least somewhat fragile. Industry not only changed the rules of the social game with the influx of new workers and their families, it also had an impact on the appearance of Innsbruck. Unlike the farmers, the labourers were not the subjects of any master. They brought new fashions with them and dressed differently. Capital from outside came into the city. Houses and churches were built for the newly arrived subjects. The large workshops changed the smell and sound of the city. The smelting works were loud, the smoke from the furnaces polluted the air.
The second wave of industrialisation came late in Innsbruck compared to other European regions. The Small craftThe town's former craft businesses, which were organised in guilds, came under pressure from the achievements of modern goods production. In St. Nikolaus, Wilten, Mühlau and Pradl, modern factories were built along the Mühlbach stream and the Sill Canal. Many innovative company founders came from outside Innsbruck. Peter Walde, who moved to Innsbruck from Lusatia, founded his company in 1777 in what is now Innstrasse 23, producing products made from fat, such as tallow candles and soaps. Eight generations later, Walde is still one of the oldest family businesses in Austria. Today, you can buy the result of centuries of tradition in soap and candle form in the listed headquarters with its Gothic vaults. In 1838, the spinning machine arrived via the Dornbirn company Herrburger & Rhomberg over the Arlberg to Pradl. H&R had acquired a plot of land on the Sillgründe. Thanks to the river's water power, the site was ideal for the heavy machinery used in the textile industry. In addition to the traditional sheep's wool, cotton was now also processed.
Just like 400 years earlier, the Second Industrial Revolution changed the city forever. Neighbourhoods such as Mühlau, Pradl and Wilten grew rapidly. The factories were often located in the centre of residential areas. Over 20 factories used the Sill Canal around 1900, and the noise and exhaust fumes from the engines were hell for the neighbours, as a newspaper article from 1912 shows:
„Entrüstung ruft bei den Bewohnern des nächst dem Hauptbahnhofe gelegenen Stadtteiles der seit einiger Zeit in der hibler´schen Feigenkaffeefabrik aufgestellte Explosionsmotor hervor. Der Lärm, welchen diese Maschine fast den ganzen Tag ununterbrochen verbreitet, stört die ganz Umgebung in der empfindlichsten Weise und muß die umliegenden Wohnungen entwerten. In den am Bahnhofplatze liegenden Hotels sind die früher so gesuchten und beliebten Gartenzimmer kaum mehr zu vermieten. Noch schlimmer als der ruhestörende Lärm aber ist der Qualm und Gestank der neuen Maschine…“
Many members of the lesser nobility also invested the money from the 1848 land relief in industry and business. The increasing demand for labour was met by former farmhands and farmers without land. While the new wealthy entrepreneurial class had villas built in Wilten, Pradl and Saggen and middle-class employees lived in apartment buildings in the same neighbourhoods, the workers were housed in workers' hostels and mass accommodation. Some worked in businesses such as the gas works, the quarry or in one of the factories, while others consumed the wealth. Shifts of 12 hours in cramped, noisy and sooty conditions demanded everything from the workers. Child labour was not banned until the 1840s. Women earned only a fraction of what men were paid. Workers often lived in tenements built by their employers and were at their mercy due to the lack of labour laws. There was neither social security nor unemployment insurance. Those who were unable to work had to rely on the welfare organisations of their home town. Nevertheless, Tyrol never saw the formation of a significant labour movement as in Vienna. Innsbruck was always primarily a commercial and university town. Although there were social democrats and a handful of communists, the number of workers was always too small to really make a difference.
However, industrialisation did not only affect everyday material life. Innsbruck experienced the kind of gentrification that can be observed today in trendy urban neighbourhoods such as Prenzlauer Berg in Berlin. The change from the rural life of the village to the city involved more than just a change of location. In one of his texts, the Innsbruck writer Josef Leitgeb tells us how people experienced the urbanisation of what was once a rural area:
„…viel fremdes, billig gekleidetes Volk, in wachsenden Wohnblocks zusammengedrängt, morgens, mittags und abends die Straßen füllend, wenn es zur Arbeit ging oder von ihr kam, aus Werkstätten, Läden, Fabriken, vom Bahndienst, die Gesichter oft blaß und vorzeitig alternd, in Haltung, Sprache und Kleidung nichts Persönliches mehr, sondern ein Allgemeines, massenhaft Wiederholtes und Wiederholbares: städtischer Arbeitsmensch. Bahnhof und Gaswerk erschienen als Kern dieser neuen, unsäglich fremden Landschaft.“
For many Innsbruck residents, the revolutionary year of 1848 and the new economic circumstances led to a bourgeoisification. Successful entrepreneurs took over the former role of the aristocratic landlords. Together with the numerous academics, they formed a new class that also gained more and more political influence. Beda Weber wrote about this in 1851:
„Their social circles are without constraint, and there is a distinctly metropolitan flavour that is not so easy to find elsewhere in Tyrol."
The workers also became bourgeois. While the landlord in the countryside was still master of the private lives of his farmhands and maidservants and was able to determine their lifestyle up to and including sexuality via the release for marriage, the labourers were now at least somewhat freer individually. They were poorly paid, but at least they now received their own wages instead of board and lodging and were able to organise their private affairs for themselves without the landlord's guardianship.
Innsbruck is not a traditional working-class city. May Day marches are only attended by the majority of people for cheap schnitzel and free beer. There are hardly any other places that commemorate industrialisation and the achievements of the working class. In St.-Nikolaus-Gasse and in many tenement houses in Wilten and Pradl, a few houses have been preserved that give an impression of the everyday life of Innsbruck's working class.