In the 1990s, an Austrian television series caused a scandal. Die Piefke Saga, written by the Tyrolean author Felix Mitterer, portrayed in four darkly humorous and revealing episodes the relationship between the German tourist family Sattmann and their hosts in a fictional Tyrolean holiday resort. Despite all justified criticism of modern tourism and its sometimes extreme excesses, one should not forget that tourism in the nineteenth century was an important driving force for the development of Innsbruck and its surroundings—not only economically. The first travellers to visit Innsbruck were pilgrims and “business people” of the early modern period. Merchants, journeymen on their travels, officials, soldiers, entourages of visiting nobility, skilled labourers, miners, clergy, pilgrims, and scholars were the earliest “tourists” attracted to the city between Italy and the German lands. Travel was expensive, dangerous, and arduous. Moreover, many subjects were not permitted to leave their place of origin without the consent of their feudal lord or abbot. Those who travelled usually did so on foot. Although Innsbruck’s inns and taverns profited from travellers as early as the Middle Ages and the early modern period, tourism in the modern sense did not yet exist. This began only when a few eccentrics were first drawn to mountain peaks. For this to happen, not only was a growing middle class required, but also a new perception of the Alps. For a long time, mountains had been regarded purely as a threat. It was primarily the British who, having explored the world’s oceans, now sought to conquer its mountain ranges as well. From the late eighteenth century onward, during the Romantic period, travel accounts began to spread the idea of the natural beauty of the Alps. The first foreign-language travel guide to Tyrol, Travels through the Rhaetian Alps by Jean François Beaumont, appeared in 1796. In addition to the alpine scenery, it was also the “wild and exotic natives” of Tyrol that fascinated international audiences. The bearded rebel Andreas Hofer, who had managed to challenge Napoleon’s army with a peasant force, attracted as much attention in Britain—the traditional enemy of France—as among German nationalists north of the Alps, who saw in him a kind of proto-German figure. Tyroleans were perceived as a stubborn, archetypal, and untamed people, comparable to the Germanic tribes under Arminius who had once resisted the Roman Empire. Descriptions of Innsbruck by authors such as Beda Weber (1798–1858), along with other travel accounts in the rapidly expanding press landscape, helped shape an attractive image of the city.

The next step was to make the wild Alpine environment accessible to a growing number of tourists who wished to emulate early adventurers, even if their willingness to take risks and their physical fitness fell short. In 1869, the German Alpine Club established a section in Innsbruck, following the relatively unsuccessful founding of the Austrian Alpine Club in 1862. Driven by the Greater German idea shared by many members, the two associations merged in 1873. To this day, the Alpine Club retains a largely bourgeois character, while its social-democratic counterpart is the organisation Naturfreunde. The network of hiking trails expanded, as did the number of mountain huts capable of hosting guests. As a transit region, Tyrol already possessed numerous mule tracks and footpaths that had existed for centuries and now formed the basis for alpine tourism. Small inns, farms, and stations along postal routes served as accommodation. Key figures such as the Tyrolean theologian Franz Senn (1831–1884) and Adolf Pichler (1819–1900) were instrumental in surveying Tyrol and creating maps. Contrary to popular belief, the Tyroleans were not born mountaineers but had to learn how to master the alpine environment; previously, mountains had been viewed mainly as dangerous obstacles in agricultural life. The Alpine clubs also trained mountain guides. Around the turn of the century, skiing began to gain popularity alongside hiking and mountaineering. Ski lifts did not yet exist; to climb mountains, skins were attached to skis—a practice still used in ski touring today. Only from the 1920s onward, with the construction of cable cars to the Nordkette and Patscherkofel, did a wealthier clientele begin to enjoy the modern luxury of mechanised mountain access.

This development required new hotels, cafés, inns, shops, and modes of transport to meet the needs of visitors. Guests accustomed to running water and telephones in cities like London or Paris were not willing to accept basic conditions such as outdoor toilets. Inns of the first and second class were suitable for transit travellers but not equipped for more discerning tourists. Until the nineteenth century, innkeepers in Innsbruck and the surrounding villages belonged to the upper middle class in terms of income, but their profession was not considered particularly prestigious. Many were farmers who supplemented their income by serving food and drink. As local meeting points and hubs in postal and goods networks, inns were centres of information, yet innkeeping did not carry the status of a guild profession or bourgeois occupation. This changed with the professionalisation of tourism. Entrepreneurs such as Robert Nißl, who acquired Büchsenhausen Castle in 1865 and transformed it into a brewery, or Johann Gruber of the inn Zum Riesen Haymon, invested in tourism infrastructure. Former aristocratic estates such as Weiherburg were converted into inns and hotels. In Innsbruck, the true transformation did not occur on the barricades of 1848 but later, within the tourism sector, as ambitious citizens replaced aristocrats as owners of estates.

The Österreichischer Hof, opened in 1849, dominated early modern hospitality but was not yet a true grand hotel. That distinction only came with the opening of the Grand Hotel Europa in 1869. In 1892, the Habsburger Hof followed, offering modern comforts such as electric lighting—a sensation at the time. Hotels like the Kaiserhof and Arlberger Hof were located near the railway station, which at the time represented the centre of modern urban life rather than the congested traffic hubs of today.

Visitor numbers grew steadily. Shortly before the First World War, Innsbruck recorded around 200,000 guests annually. A report from June 1896 noted:

“Tourism in Innsbruck in the month of May amounted to 5,647 persons, including 2,763 from Austria-Hungary, 1,974 from the German Empire, 282 English, 65 Italians, 68 French, 53 Americans, 51 Russians, and 388 from various other countries.”

In addition to the sheer number of travellers influencing life in the small town of Innsbruck, it was also the international character of its visitors that gradually gave the city a new face. Beyond purely tourist infrastructure, general modern developments were also accelerated. Wealthy guests could hardly be expected to frequent inns with cesspits behind the building. While a sewage system would inevitably have been built sooner or later, the economic importance of tourism enabled and accelerated the allocation of funds for the major infrastructure projects of the turn of the century. This transformation affected not only the city’s appearance but also the everyday lives and working conditions of its inhabitants. Enterprising individuals such as Heinrich Menardi succeeded in expanding the value chain by offering paid leisure activities in addition to accommodation and food. In 1880, he founded the carriage hire and later automobile rental service Heinrich Menardi for excursions into the Alpine surroundings. Initially using horse-drawn carriages, and after the First World War buses and cars, affluent tourists were transported as far as Venice. The company still exists today and is now headquartered in the Menardi building at Wilhelm‑Greil‑Straße 17, opposite Landhausplatz, although it has since shifted from transport and trade to the more lucrative real estate sector. Local retail also benefited from the affluent international clientele. By 1909, there were already three dedicated tourist equipment shops in the city, alongside the fashionable department stores that had opened just a few years earlier.

Innsbruck and its surrounding areas also became known for spa tourism—the precursor of today’s wellness industry—where wealthy guests recovered from a wide range of ailments in an alpine environment. Spa facilities existed in Egerdach near Amras, in Mentlberg, and in Mühlau. Establishments such as the Igler Hof (then the Grand Hotel Igler Hof) and the Sporthotel Igls still retain some of the charm of that era. Michael Obexer, founder of the spa resort in Igls and owner of the grand hotel, was a pioneer of tourism. Although these facilities never achieved the international fame of major spa destinations such as Bad Ischl, Marienbad, or Baden near Vienna—as evidenced by historical photographs and postcards—the treatments offered, including brine baths, steam therapies, gymnastics, and even “magnetism,” corresponded to what was considered state of the art at the time and still partially resonates in today’s wellness practices. Perhaps the most spectacular tourism project Innsbruck ever experienced was “Hoch‑Innsbruck,” today known as the Hungerburg. Not only the funicular railway and hotels were built there; even an artificial lake was created after the turn of the century to attract visitors.

One of the former landowners in the Hungerburg area and a pioneer of Innsbruck tourism, Richard von Attlmayr, played a key role in the predecessor organisation of today’s tourism association. Since 1881, the Innsbruck Beautification Association had been concerned with meeting the growing needs of visitors. The association developed walking and hiking paths, installed benches, and opened up hard-to-access areas such as the Mühlauer Gorge and the Sill Gorge. The distinctive green benches along many paths still serve as a reminder of this organisation, which continues to exist today. Seven years later, in 1888, those benefiting from tourism in Innsbruck founded the Commission for the Promotion of Tourism, the predecessor of today’s tourism board. Through joint efforts in marketing and quality assurance among accommodation providers, businesses hoped to further stimulate tourism.

“Each year the number of overseas pilgrims visiting our country and its glacier-crowned mountains increases, much to the annoyance of our friendly Swiss neighbours, and many a fine dollar is left behind. The English are beginning to find Tyrol just as interesting as Switzerland, and the number of French and Dutch visitors spending the summer here grows year by year.”

Postcards became the first mass-market “influencers” in the history of tourism. Many businesses produced their own postcards, and publishers created countless images of the city’s most popular sights. It is striking what was considered worth seeing at the time. Unlike today, it was primarily the modern achievements of the city that were depicted: the Leopold Fountain, the city café near the theatre, the chain bridge, the cog railway to the Hungerburg, or the Stefansbrücke (opened in 1845), a stone arch bridge crossing the Sill. Andreas Hofer also served as an effective testimonial on postcards: the Schupfen inn, where he had established his headquarters, and the Bergisel with the large Andreas Hofer monument were popular motifs.

In 1914, Innsbruck had 17 hotels attracting visitors, supplemented by summer and winter holidaymakers in Igls and the Stubai Valley. The First World War abruptly brought this first wave of tourism to an end. Just as tourism began to recover in the late 1920s, the global economic crisis and Hitler’s 1,000-mark travel restriction in 1933—introduced to pressure the Austrian government into lifting the ban on the Nazi Party—dealt further blows.

It took the economic boom of the 1950s and 1960s to revive tourism in Innsbruck after the destruction. Between 1955 and 1972, overnight stays in Tyrol increased fivefold. Following the hardships of the war years and the reconstruction of Europe’s economy, tourism became a stable source of income for Tyrol and Innsbruck, extending even beyond official hotels and guesthouses. Many Innsbruck families crowded more tightly into their already small apartments in order to rent out beds to foreign guests and supplement their income. Tourism not only brought foreign currency but also enabled locals to develop a new sense of identity, both internally and externally. At the same time, increasing prosperity allowed more Innsbruck residents to travel abroad themselves. The beaches of Italy became particularly popular destinations. Former wartime enemies thus became guests and hosts to one another.

In addition to hunger, political polarisation characterised people's lives in the 1920s and 1930s. Although the collapse of the monarchy had brought about a republic, the two major popular parties, the Social Democrats and the Christian Socials, were as hostile to each other as two scorpions. Both parties set up paramilitary blocs to back up their political agenda with violence on the streets if necessary. The Republican Defence League on the side of the Social Democrats and various Christian-social or even monarchist-orientated Home defenceFor the sake of simplicity, the different groups will be summarised under this collective term, were like civil war parties. Many politicians and functionaries on both sides had fought at the front during the war and were correspondingly militarised. The Tiroler Heimatwehr was able to rely on better infrastructure and a political network in rural Tyrol thanks to the support of the Catholic Church. On 12 November 1928, the tenth anniversary of the founding of the Republic, 18,000 members of the Austrian armed forces marched through the city on the First All-Austrian Homeland March to underline their superiority on the highest holiday of the domestic social democracies. The Styrian troops were quartered in Wilten Abbey, among other places.  

From 1930, the NSDAP also became increasingly present in the public sphere. It was able to gain supporters, particularly among students and young, disillusioned workers. By 1932, the party already had 2,500 members in Innsbruck. There were repeated violent clashes between the opposing political groups. The so-called Höttinger Saalschlacht Hötting was not yet part of Innsbruck at that time. The community was mainly inhabited by labourers. In this red National Socialists planned a rally in the Tyrolean bastion at the Gasthof Golden Beara meeting place for the Social Democrats. This provocation ended in a fight that resulted in over 30 people being injured and one death from a stab wound on the National Socialist side. The riots spread throughout the city, with the injured even clashing in the hospital. Only with the help of the gendarmerie and the army was it possible to separate the opponents.

After years of civil war-like conditions, the Christian Socialists under Chancellor Engelbert Dollfuß (1892 - 1934) prevailed in 1933 and eliminated parliament. There was no significant fighting in Innsbruck. On 15 March, the party house of the Social Democratic Labour Party Tyrol im Hotel Sonne The Republican Protection League leader Gustav Kuprian was arrested for high treason and the individual groups disarmed. Dollfuß's goal was to establish the so-called Austrian corporative statea one-party state without opposition, curtailing elementary rights such as freedom of the press and freedom of assembly. In Tyrol in 1933, the Tiroler Wochenzeitung was newly founded to function as a party organ. The entire state apparatus was to be organised along the lines of Mussolini's fascism in Italy under the Vaterländischen Front united: Anti-socialist, authoritarian, conservative in its view of society, anti-democratic, anti-Semitic and militarised. The Innsbruck municipal council was reduced from 40 to 28 members. Instead of free elections, they were appointed by the provincial governor, which meant that only conservative councillors were represented.

Dollfuß war in Tirol überaus populär, wie Aufnahmen des vollen Platzes vor der Hofburg während einer seiner Ansprachen aus dem Jahr 1933 zeigen. Seine Politik war das, was der Habsburgermonarchie am nächsten kam. Sein politischer Kurs wurde von der katholischen Kirche unterstützt, die es sogar in die Maiverfassung von 1934 schaffte: „Im Namen Gottes, des Allmächtigen, von dem alles Recht ausgeht, erhält das österreichische Volk für seinen christlichen, deutschen Bundesstaat auf ständischer Grundlage diese Verfassung.“ Die Bindung an die Kirche verschaffte der Regierung Zugriff auf Infrastruktur, Presseorgane und Vorfeldorganisationen. Gegen die verhassten Sozialisten ging die Patriotic Front with their paramilitary units. They did not shy away from repression and acts of violence against life and limb and the facilities of political opponents. Socialists, social democrats, trade unionists and communists were repeatedly arrested. In 1934, members of the Heimwehr destroyed the monument to the Social Democrat Martin Rapoldi in Kranebitten. The press was politically controlled and censored. The articles glorified the idyllic rural life. Families with many children were supported financially. The segregation of the sexes in schools and the reorganisation of the curriculum for girls, combined with pre-military training for boys, was in the interests of a large part of the population. The traditionally orientated cultural policy, with which Austria presented itself as the better Germany under the anti-clerical National Socialist leadership appealed to the conservative part of society. As early as 1931, some Tyrolean mayors had joined forces to have the entry ban for the Habsburgs lifted, so the unspoken long-term goal of reinstalling the monarchy by the Christian Socials enjoyed broad support.

On 25 July 1934, the banned National Socialists attempted a coup in Vienna, in which Dollfuß was killed. There was also an attempted coup in Innsbruck. A policeman was shot dead in Herrengasse when a group of National Socialists attempted to take control of the city. Hitler, who had not ordered the attacks, distanced himself, and the Austrian groups of the banned party were restricted as a result. In Innsbruck, the "Verfügung des Regierungskommissärs der Landeshauptstadt Tirols“ der Platz vor dem Tiroler Landestheater als Dollfußplatz led. Dollfuß had met with the Tyrolean Heimwehr leader Richard Steidle at a rally here two weeks before his death. Steidle himself had been the victim of political violence on several occasions. In 1932, he was attacked on the tram after the Höttinger Saalschlacht, and the following year he was the victim of an assassination attempt in front of his house in Leopoldstraße. After the NSDAP seized power, he was sent to Buchenhausen concentration camp, where he died in 1940.

Dollfuß' successor as Chancellor Kurt Schuschnigg (1897 - 1977) was a Tyrolean by birth and a member of the Innsbruck student fraternity Austria. He ran a law firm in Innsbruck for a long time. In 1930, he founded a paramilitary unit called Ostmärkische Sturmscharenwhich formed the counterweight of the Christian Socials to the radical Heimwehr groups. After the February Uprising in 1934, as Minister of Justice in the Dollfuß cabinet, he was jointly responsible for the execution of several Social Democrats.

However, Austrofascism was unable to turn the tide in the 1930s, especially economically. The economic crisis, which also hit Austria in 1931 and fuelled the radical, populist policies of the NSDAP, hit hard. State investment in major infrastructure projects came to a standstill. The unemployment rate in 1933 was 25%. The restriction of social welfare, which was introduced at the beginning of the First Republick was introduced had dramatic effects. The long-term unemployed were excluded from receiving social benefits as "Discontinued" excluded. Poverty caused the crime rate to rise, and robberies, muggings and thefts became more frequent.

As in previous decades, the housing situation was a particular problem. Despite the city's efforts to create modern living space, many Innsbruck residents still lived in shacks. Bathrooms or one bedroom per person were the exception. Since the great growth of Innsbruck from the 1880s onwards, the housing situation was precarious for many people. The railways, industrialisation, refugees from the German-speaking regions of Italy and the economic crisis had pushed Innsbruck to the brink of the possible. After Vienna, Innsbruck had the second highest number of residents per house. Rents for housing were so high that workers often slept in stages in order to share the costs. Although new blocks of flats and homeless shelters were built, especially in Pradl, such as the workers' hostel in Amthorstraße in 1907, the hostel in Hunoldstraße and the Pembaurblock, this was not enough to deal with the situation. Out of this need and despair, several shanty towns and settlements emerged on the outskirts of the city, founded by the marginalised, the desperate and those left behind who found no place in the system. In the prisoner-of-war camp in the Höttinger Au, people took up residence in the barracks after they had been invalided out. The best known and most notorious to this day was the Bocksiedlung on the site of today's Reichenau. From 1930, several families settled in barracks and caravans between the airport, which was located there at the time, and the barracks of the Reichenau concentration camp. The legend of its origins speaks of Otto and Josefa Rauth as the founders, whose caravan was stranded here. Rauth was not only economically poor, but also morally poor as an avowed communist in Tyrolean terms. His raft, the Noah's Ark, which he wanted to use to reach the Soviet Union via the Inn and Danube, anchored in front of Gasthof Sandwirt.

Gradually, an area emerged on the edge of both the town and society, which was run by the unofficial mayor of the estate, Johann Bock (1900 - 1975), like an independent commune. He regulated the agendas in his sphere of influence in a rough and ready manner.

The Bockala had a terrible reputation among the good citizens of the city. And despite all the historical smoothing and nostalgia, probably not without good reason. As helpful and supportive as the often eccentric residents of the estate could be among themselves, physical violence and petty crime were commonplace. Excessive alcohol consumption was common practice. The streets were unpaved. There was no running water, sewage system or sanitary facilities, nor was there a regular electricity supply. Even the supply of drinking water was precarious for a long time, which brought with it the constant risk of epidemics.

Viele, nicht aber alle Bewohner waren arbeitslos oder kriminell. Es waren vielfach Menschen, die durch das System fielen, die sich in der Bocksiedlung niederließen. Das falsche Parteibuch zu haben konnte genügen, um im Innsbruck der 1930er keinen Wohnraum ergattern zu können. Karl Jaworak, der 1924 ein Attentat auf Bundeskanzler Ignaz Seipel verübte, lebte nach seiner Haft und Deportation in ein Konzentrationslager während des NS-Regimes ab 1958 an der Adresse Reichenau 5a.

The furnishings of the Bocksiedlung dwellings were just as heterogeneous as the inhabitants. There were caravans and circus wagons, wooden barracks, corrugated iron huts, brick and concrete houses. The Bocksiedlung also had no fixed boundaries. Bockala In Innsbruck, being a citizen was a social status that largely originated in the imagination of the population.

Within the settlement, the houses and carriages built were rented out and sold. With the toleration of the city of Innsbruck, inherited values were created. The residents cultivated self-sufficient gardens and kept livestock, and dogs and cats were also on the menu in meagre times.

The air raids of the Second World War exacerbated the housing situation in Innsbruck and left the Bocksiedlung grow. At its peak, there are said to have been around 50 accommodations. The barracks of the Reichenau concentration camp were also used as sleeping quarters after the last imprisoned National Socialists held there were transferred or released, although the concentration camp was not part of the Bocksiedlung in the narrower sense.

The beginning of the end was the 1964 Olympic Games and a fire in the settlement a year earlier. Malicious tongues claim that this was set to speed up the eviction. In 1967, Mayor Alois Lugger and Johann Bock negotiated the next steps and compensation from the municipality for the eviction, reportedly in an alcohol-fuelled atmosphere. In 1976, the last quarters were evacuated due to hygienic deficiencies.

Many former residents of the Bocksiedlung were relocated to municipal flats in Pradl, the Reichenau and in the O-Village quartered here. The customs of the Bocksiedlung lived on for a number of years, which accounts for the poor reputation of the urban apartment blocks in these neighbourhoods to this day.

A reappraisal of what many historians call the Austrofascism has hardly ever happened in Austria. In the church of St Jakob im Defereggen in East Tyrol or in the parish church of Fritzens, for example, pictures of Dollfuß as the protector of the Catholic Church can still be seen, more or less without comment. In many respects, the legacy of the divided situation of the interwar period extends to the present day. To this day, there are red and black motorists' clubs, sports associations, rescue organisations and alpine associations whose roots go back to this period.

The history of the Bocksiedlung was compiled in many interviews and painstaking detail work by the city archives for the book "Bocksiedlung. A piece of Innsbruck" of the city archive.

“Austria is a democratic republic. Its law emanates from the people,” as stated today in Article 1 of the Austrian Federal Constitutional Law. Ministries and their local representatives, the magistrates, are representatives of a secular republic. Unlike in many other regions, church and state are separated in Austria. This was not always the case. For centuries, it was the clergy who exercised jurisdiction and administration. Ecclesiastical institutions such as monasteries, thanks to their educated and literate brethren, were the most important administrative units in Late Antiquity, orchestrating structures of power, governance, law, property ownership, infrastructure, and public order. In Wilten, a small community of pastors managed the affairs of the region between the Nordkette mountain range and the Brenner Pass. As early as the sixth century, a church can be documented in what is now Wilten. The Bavarian dukes, who counted the Inn Valley among their dominions in the early Middle Ages, were more than willing to make use of these educated churchmen to keep the administration of the territory on an orderly footing. In 1128, Bishop Reginbert of Brixen transferred the monastery to the then newly founded Premonstratensian Order. The charter confirming the transfer to the Premonstratensians in 1138 has been preserved in the archive of Wilten Abbey to this day. Considering that the mother monastery in Prémontré in France was founded only in 1120 by the order’s founder, Norbert of Xanten, the spread of the order to Tyrol occurred remarkably quickly. Originating in France, the order managed to establish itself throughout Europe within just a few decades. The ideal of poverty was less pronounced among the Premonstratensians than among the contemporaneously emerging Franciscans or Dominicans. Norbert, venerated as a saint from 1582 onward, was indeed a church reformer; yet, despite all his spirituality, he could not deny his noble lineage or his political role as Archbishop of Magdeburg and advisor to the king. With the assumption of ecclesiastical rights and duties came lordship over extensive lands at the abbey’s disposal. In 1140, the Prince-Bishopric of Brixen transferred all its landholdings between Bergisel, the Sill River, and the Inn River to Wilten Abbey. The powerful Bavarian Duke Henry the Lion donated a hereditary farm from his own possessions to the abbey. In addition, Mentlberg and lands in the Sellrain Valley were added. One of Tyrol’s most beautiful valley termini, Lüsens, remains in ecclesiastical ownership to this day, as does the Heiligwasser inn in Igls.

Thanks to its extensive landholdings, the abbey also became a political actor. On these lands, the abbey held lower jurisdiction, encompassing all matters not subject to blood justice. In 1180, it was Wilten Abbey that transferred the lands south of the Inn to the Counts of Andechs—lands on which Innsbruck was founded. Not only in 1180, but also in 1339 and 1453, the expansion of Innsbruck was possible only after the acquisition of land from Wilten. In matters of pastoral care and liturgical service, the city was dependent on the abbot. Thus, for a long time, the right to conduct burials was a privilege of Wilten Abbey. Only in the late Middle Ages did Innsbruck acquire this privilege itself. The parish church of St James was merely a filial church. With considerable foresight, Wilten Abbey secured not only ecclesiastical but also secular special rights contractually in return for the sale of land. The Kleine Sill, a canal constructed in the High Middle Ages, supplied the city with water indispensable to its craft workshops. As the canal ran through abbey lands, the abbot retained authority over its use rights—along with many other matters—until the sixteenth century. The abbey also possessed the important milling rights. During the Middle Ages, farmers from Amras, Pradl, and Innsbruck were required to bring their grain to the Wilten mills along the Sill to have it ground. When medieval cities ran out of bread, unrest and uprisings threatened, as grain formed the staple of the daily diet. The well-being of Innsbruck’s city council depended on Wilten; in many respects, the city relied on the abbot’s goodwill. The relationship between ecclesiastical authority in Wilten, embodied by the abbot, and secular power in Innsbruck, embodied by the territorial prince, resembled the enduring struggle between pope and emperor in the Middle Ages.

In addition to economic matters, Innsbruck also remained dependent on Wilten Abbey in educational affairs for a long time. A monastic school is mentioned as early as 1313. Ruedger the schoolmaster appears in Wilten’s chronicles even ten years earlier, noted as village schoolmaster. Alongside lively panel painting, the pupils likely also copied books. The city school at the Church of St James, a filial church of Wilten Abbey, likewise stood indirectly under the abbot’s authority. Until 1561, the abbots successfully prevented the settlement of further religious orders in Innsbruck in order to maintain the abbey’s sphere of influence within the city. Only during the Counter-Reformation did the territorial prince—originating from Spain, disregarding many local customs, and later Emperor Ferdinand I—succeed, together with the Jesuits, in establishing a religious order in the city itself, thereby making the residential city more independent. Nevertheless, masses on major feast days such as Christmas and Easter, as well as baptisms, continued to be celebrated in Wilten. From the sixteenth century onward, the influence of the church gradually began to wane, even though it persisted in one form or another for centuries. Well into the twentieth century, disputes between church and state over supremacy in various aspects of subjects’ and citizens’ lives shaped power structures and social policy. During the interwar period, the Catholic faith was still raison d’état of the corporative state under Federal Chancellors Dollfuss and Schuschnigg, and even today, in many fundamental questions of education policy, the church remains unavoidable. Today, the abbots of Wilten no longer wield political power; however, the landownership and the wealth reflected in the abbey’s buildings have by no means been lost.

Anyone seeking proof that the people of Innsbruck have always been an active bunch might turn to the painting Winter Landscape by the Dutch artist Pieter Bruegel (c. 1525–1569) from the sixteenth century. On his return journey north from Italy, the master likely stopped in Innsbruck and observed the local population ice skating on the frozen Lake Ambras. In his Handbook for Travellers in Tyrol (1851), Beda Weber described the leisure habits of Innsbruck’s inhabitants, including ice skating at Lake Ambras: “The lake nearby (note: Amras), a pool in the marshy area, is used by skaters in winter.” To this day, wearing sports clothing in almost any situation is perfectly normal for Innsbruck residents. While in other cities functional clothing or hiking and sports shoes might draw raised eyebrows in restaurants or offices, at the foot of the Nordkette such attire hardly stands out. This was not always the case, however. The path from the ice-skating peasant to the active citizen was a long one. In the Middle Ages and early modern period, leisure and free time for activities such as hunting or riding were largely privileges of the aristocracy. Only with the changing living conditions of the nineteenth century did a significant portion of the population—especially in urban areas—experience something resembling leisure for the first time. Increasingly, people no longer worked in agriculture but as workers and employees in offices, workshops, and factories according to regulated schedules. Industrialised England played a pioneering role, where workers and employees gradually began freeing themselves from the excessive demands of early industrial capitalism. Sixteen‑hour workdays were not only detrimental to workers’ health; employers also realised that overwork reduced productivity. Since the 1860s, efforts had been made to introduce an eight-hour working day. In 1873, Austrian printers established a ten-hour working day, and in 1918 Austria adopted a 48-hour workweek. By 1930, a 40-hour week had become standard in industrial enterprises. People from all social classes—not just the aristocracy—now had the time and energy for hobbies, club life, and sport. English tourists, in particular, introduced new sports, disciplines, and equipment. The cost of equipment largely determined whether a sport remained reserved for the bourgeoisie or was accessible to workers. Sledding, for example, became widespread around the turn of the century, while bobsleigh and skeleton remained elite sports. Sport was not only a leisure activity but also a marker of social distinction: the working class, bourgeoisie, and aristocracy all shaped their identities through the sports they practised. Nobles maintained traditions such as riding and hunting; the bourgeoisie displayed individuality and wealth through expensive equipment like bicycles; and the working class played football or engaged in wrestling and physical contests.

By the mid-nineteenth century, athletes, like singers, museum and theatre enthusiasts, scientists, and lovers of literature, began to come together in associations. Gymnasts were the pioneers of organized club sport in Innsbruck. Gymnastics was considered the quintessential form of sport in the German-speaking world. Competition was not the primary focus; rather, members were expected to train their bodies in order to serve the national body effectively in times of war. As sedentary professions—especially academic ones—became more common, gymnastics was seen as a form of balance. Looking at historical images of gymnasts practicing and performing their exercises, one cannot fail to notice the distinctly military character of these events. Friedrich Ludwig Jahn (1778–1852), commonly known as “Turnvater Jahn,” was not only a leading advocate of physical exercise but also the intellectual founder of the Lützow Free Corps, which fought against Napoleon as a kind of all-German volunteer army. One of the best-known mottos attributed to him is: “Hatred of all foreign things is the German’s duty.” In Saggen, Jahnstraße and a small park with a monument still commemorate Friedrich Ludwig Jahn. The German gymnastics clubs, much like student fraternities, played a significant role in the emergence of the national movement. It therefore took some time before the first official gymnastics club could be established. Gymnasts, who were regarded as particularly liberal and aligned with the Greater German idea, were viewed with suspicion by the Habsburg authorities under Metternich. The founding of gymnastics clubs was banned throughout the German-speaking world. Only one year after the social upheavals of 1848 was the Innsbruck Gymnastics Club (ITV) officially founded. After a conservative backlash in 1850, during which gymnastics clubs were once again banned, the development of the Austrian Imperial Council in the 1860s spurred the formation of political parties. Sports clubs benefited from this as their precursor organisations. In 1863, the ITV was founded for the second time and continues to exist to this day. Soon, Christian, socialist, and Greater German associations emerged, with people gathering in different clubs depending on their ideological and social affiliations.

Among the earliest sports facilities were swimming baths. The first bathing establishment welcomed swimmers from 1833 onward in Hötting, at the open-air pool by the Gießen stream. Additional facilities soon followed near Büchsenhausen Castle, as well as a complex next to what is now the Sillpark site, which was divided into separate areas for women and men. Particularly beautifully situated was the Schönruh outdoor pool above Ambras Castle, which opened in 1929 shortly after the indoor swimming pool in Pradl had been built. The population had grown significantly, and so too had people’s enthusiasm for swimming as a leisure activity. In 1961, the range of sports facilities at Tivoli was expanded with the addition of the Tivoli outdoor pool. In 1883, cyclists founded the Bicycle Club. The first cycling races had been held in France and Great Britain from 1869 onward. The English city of Coventry was also a pioneer in the production of the elegant “steel steeds,” which were extremely expensive. In the same year, the Innsbruck press reported on these modern means of individual transport, when “several gentlemen ventured onto the streets with multiple velocipedes ordered from the firm Peterlongo.” In 1876, cycling was temporarily banned in Innsbruck due to repeated accidents. Cycling was also quickly recognised by the authorities as a form of physical training that could be used for military purposes. A decree from the Imperial Ministry of War was reported in the press:

“It is intended, as in previous years, to also employ cyclists in this year’s exercises involving combined arms… The commands of the infantry and Tyrolean rifle regiments, as well as the field rifle battalions, are to call upon those individuals who are registered as cyclists and are obliged to participate in military exercises this year to report for duty with their bicycles.”

Unter der Regie des Münchners Anton Schlumpeter entwickelte sich die Szene vor der Jahrhundertwende weiter. Schlumpeter deckte mit einer Fahrschule, einem Geschäft für Fahrräder samt Werkstatt und schließlich mit den in seiner Wiltener Fabrik produzierten Fahrradmarke Veldidena die Wertschöpfungskette komplett ab. Die Velocipedisten siedelten sich 1896 im Rahmen der „Internationalen Ausstellung für körperliche Erziehung, Gesundheitspflege und Sport“ im Saggen nahe der Viaduktbögen mit einer Radrennbahn samt Tribüne an. Die Innsbrucker Nachrichten berichteten begeistert von dieser Neuerung, war doch der Radsport bis zu den ersten Autorennen europaweit die beliebteste Sportdisziplin:

“The Innsbruck cycling track, which is to be opened in the coming weeks in connection with the international exhibition, will have a length of 400 metres and a width of 6 metres… The velocipede racing track, the construction of which is chiefly due to the efforts of the President of the Tyrolean Cyclists’ Association, State Railway Chief Engineer R. von Weinong, will be one of the most outstanding and best-equipped cycling tracks on the continent. On the 29th of this month (June 1896), a major international cycling competition will be held on the Innsbruck track for the first time, and in the future, regular annual velocipede prize races are to follow, which will undoubtedly be of considerable benefit to both the promotion of cycling as a sport and tourism in Innsbruck.”

The cement railway was used for daily training in the warm season. The smoke-filled air as the locomotives passed by was probably not good for the lungs. After initial enthusiasm, Schlumpeter had to step in to save the railway. The enterprising entrepreneur realised that the cyclists were not providing enough activity and, on his own initiative, began to build a kind of predecessor to today's Olympiaworld at the Tivoli with several facilities for sport. In addition to cycling races, boxers could compete in the ring. He also had tennis courts built in Saggen. Despite all his efforts, the facility was demolished again in 1901.

Football proved more sustainable than cycling in establishing itself in Innsbruck. For a long time, it was regarded as an English sport and therefore as “un-German.” Unlike gymnastics, it was considered too focused on commerce and professionalisation, and it was seen as offering too little military, educational, or societal value. It was only with the International Exhibition of 1896 in Saggen that football began to gain a certain level of acceptance. There were already interregional matches, for example a 1–1 draw between the team of the Innsbruck Gymnastics Club and Bayern Munich. In order to compete against other teams, the footballers were required to leave their parent organisation, the ITV. The “Aryan clause” embedded there not only prohibited the admission of Jewish players, but also banned matches against teams that included Jewish players. In 1903, the club Fußball Innsbruck was founded, which would later develop into SVI. Matches were played on a football field in front of the Sieberer orphanage. In Wilten, by then part of Innsbruck, SK Wilten was established in 1910. The football ground Besele, which still exists today next to the West Cemetery, was equipped with grandstands to accommodate growing numbers of spectators. In 1913, Wacker Innsbruck was officially founded, the club that remains the most successful football team in Tyrol to this day. For a long time, successful football remained largely confined to Vienna. While the Austrian “Wunderteam” gained international recognition in the 1930s and even won the precursor to today’s European Championship, football in Tyrol was played at a more modest level. It was only after the Second World War that national and international successes began to emerge. Ten Austrian championship titles and reaching the semi-finals of the European Cup testify to the deep-rooted enthusiasm for football among the people of Innsbruck.

In addition to the various summer sports, winter sports also became increasingly popular. Sledding had already become a popular leisure activity by the mid-nineteenth century on the hills surrounding Innsbruck. The first ice rink opened in 1870 as a winter alternative to swimming, on the grounds of the outdoor pool in Höttinger Au. Unlike water sports, ice skating was an activity that could be enjoyed jointly by men and women. Instead of meeting during Sunday strolls, young couples could arrange to meet at the ice rink without parental supervision. In 1884, the Ice Skating Club was founded and used the exhibition grounds as its rink. With facilities such as the ice rink in front of the Imperial and Royal shooting range in Mariahilf, Lake Lans, Lake Ambras, the swimming complex in Höttinger Au, and the Sill Canal in Kohlstatt, Innsbruck offered numerous opportunities for ice skating. As early as 1908, the first ice hockey club was established with the IEV. Skiing, initially a Nordic-style pastime practiced in the valleys, soon spread as a downhill discipline as well. The Academic Alpine Club Innsbruck was founded in 1893 and organised the first ski race on Tyrolean soil two years later, running from Sistrans to Ambras Castle. The sports shop Witting, established in 1867 on Maria-Theresien-Straße, demonstrated strong business acumen by selling ski equipment to a well-to-do clientele even before 1900. Following St. Anton and Kitzbühel, the first Innsbruck ski club was founded in 1906. Equipment remained simple for a long time, allowing skiing primarily on relatively gentle slopes, combining alpine and Nordic techniques similar to cross-country skiing. Nevertheless, skiers ventured to descend slopes in places such as Mutters or the Ferrari meadow. From 1928 onward, two cable cars led up to both the Nordkette and the Patscherkofel, making skiing significantly more attractive. Skiing achieved its breakthrough as a national sport with the World Ski Championships held in Innsbruck in February 1933. On an unmarked course, participants had to cover 10 kilometres and 1,500 metres of elevation between the Glungezer and Tulfes. The two local athletes Gustav Lantschner and Inge Wersin‑Lantschner won multiple medals in these competitions, further fuelling the growing enthusiasm for alpine winter sports in Innsbruck.

Competitions in various sports—above all cycling, boxing, athletics, and football—had become mass phenomena by the interwar period at the latest. In 1924, Joseph Roth (1894–1939) wrote his praise poem dedicated to sport:

The zeitgeist stretches the biceps and fulfils,

with knockout and belly kick the century,

if there is someone who wonders about it,

never read the newspaper Sport im Bild.

After the Second World War, sport finally became a mass phenomenon. While footballers were no longer able to build on the successes of the pre-war period, it was above all skiers who contributed to the slowly emerging sense of national identity among Austrians. Innsbruck remains strongly identified with sport to this day. With events such as the UEFA European Championship in 2008, the UCI Road World Championships in 2018, and the Climbing World Championships in 2018, the city has been able to reconnect—also at the elite level—with the “golden years” of the 1930s, which saw two World Ski Championships, as well as with the Olympic Games of 1964 and 1976. However, it is less elite sport than grassroots participation that contributes to Innsbruck’s reputation as the self-proclaimed “sports capital of Austria.” There are hardly any residents who do not at least strap on alpine skis from time to time. Mountain biking on the numerous alpine pastures around Innsbruck, ski touring, sport climbing, and hiking are exceptionally popular among the local population and are deeply embedded in everyday life.

In the 1920s and 30s, the NSDAP also grew and prospered in Tyrol. The first local branch of the NSDAP in Innsbruck was founded in 1923. With "Der Nationalsozialist - Combat Gazette for Tyrol and Vorarlberg“ erschien ein eigenes Wochenblatt. 1933 erlebte die NSDAP mit dem Rückenwind aus Deutschland auch in Innsbruck einen kometenhaften Aufstieg. Die allgemeine Unzufriedenheit und Politikverdrossenheit der Bürger und theatralisch inszenierte Fackelzüge durch die Stadt samt hakenkreuzförmiger Bergfeuer auf der Nordkette im Wahlkampf verhalfen der Partei zu einem großen Zugewinn. Über 1800 Innsbrucker waren Mitglied der SA, die ihr Quartier in der Bürgerstraße 10 hatte. Konnten die Nationalsozialisten bei ihrem ersten Antreten bei einer Gemeinderatswahl 1921 nur 2,8% der Stimmen erringen, waren es bei den Wahlen 1933 bereits 41%. Die Modernität der Partei mit ihrem demonstrativ-revolutionären Antiklerikalismus und die Aufstiegsmöglichkeiten, die sie bot, sprach vor allem junge Menschen an. Wer bereits oben war, sehnte sich nach den Zeiten vor dem allgemeinen Wahlrecht zurück, als Sozialdemokraten noch nichts zu melden hatten. Neun Mandatare, darunter der spätere Bürgermeister Egon Denz und der Gauleiter Tirols Franz Hofer, zogen in den Gemeinderat ein. Nicht nur die Wahl Hitlers zum Reichskanzler in Deutschland, auch Kampagnen und Manifestationen in Innsbruck verhalfen der ab 1934 in Österreich verbotenen Partei zu diesem Ergebnis. Wie überall waren es auch in Innsbruck vor allem junge Menschen, die sich für den Nationalsozialismus begeisterten. Das Neue, das Aufräumen mit alten Hierarchien und Strukturen wie der katholischen Kirche, der Umbruch und der noch nie dagewesene Stil zogen sie an. Besonders unter den großdeutsch gesinnten Burschen der Studentenverbindungen und vielfach auch unter Professoren war der Nationalsozialismus beliebt.

When the annexation of Austria to Germany took place in March 1938, civil war-like scenes ensued. Already in the run-up to the invasion, there had been repeated marches and rallies by the National Socialists after the ban on the party had been lifted. Even before Federal Chancellor Schuschnigg gave his last speech to the people before handing over power to the National Socialists with the words "God bless Austria" had closed on 11 March 1938, the National Socialists were already gathering in the city centre to celebrate the invasion of the German troops. The police of the corporative state were partly sympathetic to the riots of the organised manifestations and partly powerless in the face of the goings-on. Although the Landhaus and Maria-Theresien-Straße were cordoned off and secured with machine-gun posts, there was no question of any crackdown by the executive. "One people - one empire - one leader" echoed through the city. The threat of the German military and the deployment of SA troops dispelled the last doubts. More and more of the enthusiastic population joined in. At the Tiroler Landhaus, then still in Maria-Theresienstraße, and at the provisional headquarters of the National Socialists in the Gasthaus Old Innspruggthe swastika flag was hoisted.

Am 12. März empfingen die Innsbrucker das deutsche Militär frenetisch. Um die Gastfreundschaft gegenüber den Nationalsozialisten sicherzustellen, ließ Bürgermeister Egon Denz jedem Arbeiter einen Wochenlohn auszahlen. Am 5. April besuchte Adolf Hitler persönlich Innsbruck, um sich von der Menge feiern zu lassen. Archivbilder zeigen eine euphorische Menschenmenge in Erwartung des heilsversprechenden Führers. Auf der Nordkette wurden Bergfeuer in Hakenkreuzform entzündet. Die Volksbefragung am 10. April ergab eine Zustimmung von über 99% zum Anschluss Österreichs an Deutschland. Die Menschen waren nach der wirtschaftlichen Not der Zwischenkriegszeit, der Wirtschaftskrise und den Regierungen unter Dollfuß und Schuschnigg müde und wollten Veränderung. Welche Art von Veränderung, war im ersten Moment weniger wichtig als die Veränderung an und für sich. „Showing them up there“, das war Hitlers Versprechen. Wehrmacht und Industrie boten jungen Menschen eine Perspektive, auch denen, die mit der Ideologie des Nationalsozialismus an und für sich wenig anfangen konnten. Der nostalgisch gehegte großdeutsche Traum hatte lange Tradition in Tirol. Das Versprechen, die deutschsprachigen Südtiroler Heim ins Reich zu holen und damit das Unrecht der Brennergrenze auszumerzen war ebenfalls ein gerne gehörtes Versprechen. Dass es immer wieder zu Gewaltausbrüchen kam, war für die Zwischenkriegszeit in Österreich ohnehin nicht unüblich. Anders als heute war Demokratie nichts, woran sich jemand in der kurzen, von politischen Extremen geprägten Zeit zwischen der Monarchie 1918 bis zur Ausschaltung des Parlaments unter Dollfuß 1933 hätte gewöhnen können. Was faktisch nicht in den Köpfen der Bevölkerung existiert, muss man nicht abschaffen.

Tyrol and Vorarlberg were combined into a Reichsgau with Innsbruck as its capital. Even though National Socialism was viewed sceptically by a large part of the population, there was hardly any organised or even armed resistance, as the Catholic resistance OE5 and the left in Tyrol were not strong enough for this. There were isolated instances of unorganised subversive behaviour by the population, especially in the arch-Catholic rural communities around Innsbruck. The power apparatus dominated people's everyday lives too comprehensively. Many jobs and other comforts of life were tied to an at least outwardly loyal attitude to the party. The majority of the population was spared imprisonment, but the fear of it was omnipresent.

Das Regime unter Hofer und Gestapochef Werner Hilliges leistete auch ganze Arbeit bei der Unterdrückung. InTirol war die Kirche das größte Hindernis. Während des Nationalsozialismus wurde die katholische Kirche systematisch bekämpft. Katholische Schulen wurden umfunktioniert, Jugendorganisationen und Vereine verboten, Klöster geschlossen, der Religionsunterricht abgeschafft und eine Kirchensteuer eingeführt. Besonders hartnäckige Pfarrer wie Otto Neururer wurden in Konzentrationslager gebracht. Auch Lokalpolitiker wie die späteren Innsbrucker Bürgermeister  Franz Greiter und Anton Melzer, der im Ersten Weltkrieg für Gott, Kaiser und Vaterland einen Arm verloren hatte, mussten flüchten oder wurden verhaftet. Gewalt und die Verbrechen an der jüdischen Bevölkerung, dem Klerus, politisch Verdächtigen, Zivilpersonen und Kriegsgefangenen auch nur überblicksmäßig zusammenzufassen würde den Rahmen sprengen. Das Hauptquartier der Gestapo befand sich in der Herrengasse 1. Hier wurden Verdächtige schwer misshandelt und teils mit Fäusten zu Tode geprügelt. 1941 wurde in der Rossau in der Nähe des Bauhofs Innsbruck das Arbeitslager Reichenau errichtet. Verdächtige Personen aller Art wurden hier zu Zwangsarbeiten in schäbigen Baracken verwahrt. Über 130 Personen fanden in diesem Lager bestehend aus 20 Baracken den Tod durch Krankheit, die schlechten Bedingungen, Arbeitsunfälle oder Hinrichtungen. Auch im 10 km von Innsbruck entfernten Dorf Kematen kamen im Messerschmitt Werk Gefangene zum Zwangseinsatz. Darunter waren politische Häftlinge, russische Kriegsgefangene und Juden. Zu den Zwangsarbeiten gehörten unter anderem die Errichtung der South Tyrolean settlements in the final phase or the tunnels to protect against air raids in the south of Innsbruck. In the Innsbruck clinic, disabled people and those deemed unacceptable by the system, such as homosexuals, were forcibly sterilised.

The memorials to the National Socialist era are few and far between. The Tiroler Landhaus with the Liberation Monument and the building of the Old University are the two most striking memorials. The forecourt of the university and a small column at the southern entrance to the hospital were also designed to commemorate what was probably the darkest chapter in Austria's history.

The abundance of churches, chapels, crucifixes, statues, and paintings in public spaces strikes many visitors to Innsbruck from other countries as unusual. Not only places of worship, but also many private houses are decorated with depictions of Jesus, Mary, saints, and biblical scenes. For centuries, the Christian faith and its institutions shaped everyday life throughout Europe, and Innsbruck—as a residence city of the strictly Catholic Habsburgs and the capital of the self-proclaimed Holy Land of Tyrol—was particularly richly endowed with ecclesiastical buildings. In terms of number and scale relative to the conditions of earlier times, churches appear as gigantic features in the cityscape. In the 16th century, Innsbruck, with its approximately 5,000 inhabitants, possessed several churches whose splendor and size surpassed every other building, including the palaces of the aristocracy. Wilten Abbey was a vast complex in the midst of a small farming village that had developed around it.

The spatial dimensions of these places of worship reflect their importance within the political and social structure. For many inhabitants of Innsbruck, the Church was not only a moral authority but also a secular landowner. The Bishop of Brixen was formally equal in rank to the territorial prince. Peasants worked on the bishop’s estates just as they did on those of a secular ruler. The clergy exercised both taxation and judicial authority over their subjects, and ecclesiastical landowners were often regarded as particularly demanding. At the same time, it was also the clergy in Innsbruck who were largely responsible for social welfare, healthcare, care for the poor and orphans, food distribution, and education. The Church’s influence extended into the material world in a way comparable to how the modern state operates today through tax offices, police, schools, and employment services. What democracy, parliament, and the market economy represent for us today, bishops, the Bible, Christian devotional literature, and parish priests represented for people of earlier centuries: a reality that maintained order.

It would be incorrect to believe that all clergymen were cynical power-hungry figures who exploited their uneducated subjects. The majority of both clergy and nobility were devout and God-fearing, albeit in a manner that is difficult to comprehend from today’s perspective. It was not the case that every superstition was blindly accepted or that people were arbitrarily executed based on anonymous accusations. In the early modern period, violations of religion and morals were tried before secular courts and punished severely. Charges were brought under the term heresy, which encompassed a wide range of offenses. Sodomy—meaning any sexual act not serving reproduction—sorcery, witchcraft, and blasphemy, in short any deviation from the correct faith, could be punished by burning. The act of burning was intended both to purify the condemned and to destroy them and their sinful behavior completely, thereby removing evil from the community. For a long time, the Church regulated everyday social life down to the smallest details. Church bells structured people’s daily schedules. Their sound called people to work or worship, or informed the community of a death through tolling. People were able to distinguish individual bell signals and their meanings. Sundays and holidays structured time. Fasting days regulated diet. Family life, sexuality, and individual behavior were expected to conform to Church-prescribed morality. For many people, salvation in the afterlife was more important than happiness on earth, which was seen as predetermined by the course of time and divine will. Purgatory, the Last Judgment, and the torments of hell were real and served to frighten and discipline even adults.

While parts of the Innsbruck bourgeoisie were at least gently awakened by Enlightenment ideas after the Napoleonic Wars, the majority of the population remained committed to a mixture of conservative Catholicism and superstitious popular piety. Religiosity was not necessarily a matter of origin or social class, as repeatedly demonstrated by social, media, and political conflicts along the fault line between liberals and conservatives. Although freedom of religion was legally enshrined in the December Constitution of 1867, the state and religion remained closely linked. The Wahrmund Affair, which originated at the University of Innsbruck in the early 20th century and spread throughout the Austro-Hungarian Empire, was just one of many examples of the influence the Church exercised well into the 1970s. Shortly before the First World War, this political crisis, which would affect the entire monarchy, began in Innsbruck. Ludwig Wahrmund (1861–1932) was Professor of Canon Law at the Faculty of Law of the University of Innsbruck. Originally selected by the Tyrolean governor to strengthen Catholicism at what was considered an overly liberal university, Wahrmund was a proponent of enlightened theology. Unlike conservative representatives in the clergy and politics, reform Catholics viewed the Pope as a spiritual leader but not as a secular authority. In Wahrmund’s view, students should reduce the gap and tensions between Church and modernity rather than cement them. Since 1848, divisions between liberal-national, socialist, conservative, and reform-oriented Catholic interest groups and parties had deepened. Greater German nationalist-minded Innsbruck citizens oriented themselves toward the modern Prussian state under Chancellor Bismarck, who sought to curtail the influence of the Church or subordinate it to the state. One of the fiercest fault lines ran through the education and higher education system, centered on the question of how the supernatural practices and views of the Church—still influential in universities—could be reconciled with modern science. Liberal and Catholic students despised one another and repeatedly clashed. Until 1906, Wahrmund was a member of the Leo Society, which aimed to promote science on a Catholic basis, before becoming chairman of the Innsbruck local branch of the Association for Free Schools, which advocated complete de-clericalization of the education system. He evolved from a reform Catholic into an advocate of a complete separation of Church and state. His lectures repeatedly attracted the attention of the authorities. Fueled by the media, the culture war between liberal German nationalists, conservatives, Christian Socials, and Social Democrats found an ideal projection surface in the person of Ludwig Wahrmund. What followed were riots, strikes, brawls between student fraternities of different political orientations, and mutual defamation among politicians. The “Away from Rome” movement of the German radical Georg Ritter von Schönerer (1842–1921) collided on the stage of the University of Innsbruck with the political Catholicism of the Christian Socials. German nationalist academics were supported by the likewise anti-clerical Social Democrats and by Mayor Greil, while the Tyrolean provincial government sided with the conservatives. The Wahrmund Affair reached the Imperial Council as a culture-war debate. For the Christian Socials, it was a “struggle of liberal-minded Jewry against Christianity,” in which “Zionists, German culture warriors, Czech and Ruthenian radicals” presented themselves as an “international coalition,” a “liberal ring of Jewish radicalism and radical Slavic movements.” Wahrmund, on the other hand, in the generally heated atmosphere, referred to Catholic students as “traitors and parasites.” When Wahrmund had one of his speeches printed in 1908, in which he questioned God, Christian morality, and Catholic veneration of saints, he was charged with blasphemy. After further, sometimes violent assemblies on both conservative and anti-clerical sides, student riots, and strikes, university operations even had to be suspended temporarily. Wahrmund was first placed on leave and later transferred to the German University in Prague. The cultural conflict between liberal and Catholic students in Innsbruck reached its tragic climax in 1912. During a brawl in front of the Breinössl inn on Maria-Theresien-Strasse, the medical student Max Ghezze (1889–1912) suffered a fatal blow to the back of the head. The members of the dueling German-nationalist student fraternity Gothia, who were suspected of the crime, were released due to lack of evidence. Also in the First Republic, the connection between Church and state remained strong. Ignaz Seipel, a Christian Social politician known as the “Iron Prelate,” rose in the 1920s to the highest office of the state. Federal Chancellor Engelbert Dollfuss viewed his corporative state as a construct based on Catholicism and as a bulwark against socialism. After the Second World War, Church and politics in Tyrol were still closely linked in the persons of Bishop Rusch and Chancellor Wallnöfer. Only then did a serious separation begin. Faith and the Church still have a fixed place in the everyday life of Innsbruck’s residents, even if often unnoticed. Church withdrawals in recent decades have dented official membership numbers, and leisure events are better attended than Sunday Mass. Nevertheless, the Roman Catholic Church still owns extensive land in and around Innsbruck, including outside the walls of monasteries and educational institutions. Numerous schools in and around Innsbruck are also influenced by conservative forces and the Church. And anyone who enjoys a public holiday, taps Easter eggs together, or lights a candle on a Christmas tree does not need to be Christian to act—disguised as tradition—in the name of Jesus.

Auch in der Ersten Republik war die Verbindung zwischen Kirche und Staat stark. Der christlich-soziale, als Eiserner Prälat in die Geschichte eingegangen Ignaz Seipel schaffte es in den 1920er Jahren bis ins höchste Amt des Staates. Bundeskanzler Engelbert Dollfuß sah seinen Ständestaat als Konstrukt auf katholischer Basis als Bollwerk gegen den Sozialismus. Auch nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg waren in Tirol Kirche und Politik in Person von Bischof Rusch und Kanzler Wallnöfer ein Gespann. Erst dann begann eine ernsthafte Trennung. Die Kirchenaustritte der letzten Jahrzehnte haben der offiziellen Mitgliederzahl zwar eine Delle versetzt und Freizeitevents werden besser besucht als Sonntagsmessen. Glaube und Kirche haben noch immer ihren fixen Platz im Alltag der Innsbrucker, wenn auch oft unbemerkt. Die römisch-katholische Kirche besitzt aber noch immer viel Grund in und rund um Innsbruck, auch außerhalb der Mauern der jeweiligen Klöster und Ausbildungsstätten. Etliche Schulen in und rund um Innsbruck stehen ebenfalls unter dem Einfluss konservativer Kräfte und der Kirche. Und wer immer einen freien Feiertag genießt, ein Osterei ans andere peckt oder eine Kerze am Christbaum anzündet, muss nicht Christ sein, um als Tradition getarnt im Namen Jesu zu handeln.