Thanks to the university, its professors and the young people it attracted and produced, Innsbruck also sniffed the morning air of the Enlightenment in the 18th century in the era of Maria Theresa, even if the Jesuit faculty leadership put the brakes on it. 1741 saw the founding of the Societas Academica Litteraria a circle of scholars in the Taxispalais. The masonic lodge was founded in 1777 To the three mountains, four years later, the Tyrolean Society for Arts and Science was founded. The spirit of reason in the time of Maria Theresa and Emperor Joseph also found its way into Innsbruck's elite. Spurred on by the French Revolution, some students even declared their allegiance to the Jacobins. Under Emperor Franz, all these associations were banned and strictly monitored after the declaration of war on France in 1794. Enlightenment ideas were frowned upon by large sections of the population even before the French Revolution. At the latest after the beheading of Marie Antoinette, the Emperor's sister, and the outbreak of war between the French Republic and the monarchies of Europe, they were considered dangerous. Who wanted to be considered a Jacobin when it came to defending their homeland?

After the Napoleonic Wars, Innsbruck was slow to recover, both economically and mentally. Adalbert Stifter (1805 -1868), probably the most famous writer of Austrian Romanticism, described Innsbruck in the 1830s in his travelogue Tyrol and Vorarlberg as follows:

„The inns were bad, the pavements wretched, long gutters overhung the narrow streets, which were bordered on both sides by dull arches... the beautiful banks of the Inn were unpaved, but covered with heaps of rubbish and criss-crossed by cesspools.“

Die kleine Stadt am Rande des Kaiserreiches hatte etwas mehr als 12.000 Einwohner, „ohne die Soldaten, Studenten und Fremden zu rechnen“. University, grammar school, Reading casino, music club, theatre and museum were evidence of a developing, modern urban culture. There was a Deutsches Kaffeehaus, a Restoration in the courtyard garden and several traditional inns such as the White cross, the Österreichischen Hofwhich Grape, das Katzung, das Mouthingeach of which Goldenen Adler, Stern und Hirsch. After 1830, the open sewers were blocked and made more hygienic, roads were repaired and bridges renovated. The overdue straightening and taming of the Inn and Sill rivers, which had begun before the turmoil of war, was also tackled. The biggest innovation for the population came in 1830, when oil lamps lit up the town at night. It was probably just a dim twilight created by the more than 150 lamps mounted on pillars and arm chandeliers, but for contemporaries it was a true revolution.

Die bayerische Besatzung war verschwunden, die Ideen der Denker der Aufklärung und der Französischen Revolution hatten sich aber in einigen Köpfen des städtischen Milieus verfangen. Natürlich waren es keine atheistischen, sozialistischen oder gar umstürzlerischen Gedanken, die sich breit machten. Es ging vor allem um wirtschaftliche, politische und gesellschaftliche Teilhabe des Bürgertums. Das Vereinswesen feierte eine Renaissance. Was heute wenig spektakulär klingt, war zur Regierungszeit Metternichs aufsehenerregend. Zwischen dem Beginn der Napoleonischen Kriege mit dem revolutionären Frankreich 1797 und dem Wiener Kongress waren Vereine allgemein verboten gewesen. Wer auf sich hielt, trat nun einer dieser neuartigen Gesellschaften bei. "Innsbruck has a music society, an agricultural society and a mining and geological society." stand etwa im Reiseführer Beda Webers wie ein Qualitätssiegel für die Stadt zu lesen. Es galt das tugendhafte Miteinander zum Wohl der weniger Begüterten und die Erziehung der Massen mit dem Treiben in den Vereinen zu forcieren. Wissenschaft, Literatur, Theater und Musik, aber auch Initiativen wie der Innsbruck Beautification Association, but also practical institutions such as the voluntary fire brigade established themselves as pillars of a previously unknown civil society. One of the first associations to be formed was the Innsbruck Music Society, from which the Tyrolean State Conservatory emerged. In keeping with the spirit of the times, men and women were not members of the same organisations. Women were mainly involved in charitable organisations such as the Women's association for the promotion of infant care centres and female industrial schools. Female participation in the political discourse was not desired.

In addition to Christian charity, a thirst for recognition and prestige were probably also major incentives for members to get involved in the clubs. People met to see and be seen. Good deeds, demonstrating education and leading a virtuous life were then, as now, the best PR for oneself.

Club life also served as entertainment on long evenings without electric light, television and the internet. Students, civil servants, members of the lower nobility and academics met in the pubs and coffee houses to exchange ideas. This was not only about highly intellectual and abstract matters, but also about profane realpolitik such as the suspension of internal tariffs, which made people's lives unnecessarily expensive. Culturally, the bourgeois educated elite in the Romantic and Biedermeier periods discovered the cultural escape into an intact past for themselves. After decades of political confusion, war and hardship, people wanted a distraction from the recent past, just as they did after 1945. Antiquity and its thinkers celebrated a second renaissance in Innsbruck, as in the rest of Europe. Romantic thinkers of the 18th and early 19th centuries such as Winckelmann, Lessing and Hegel were influential. The Greeks were „Noble simplicity and quiet greatness" attested. Goethe wanted the "Search the land of the Greeks with your soul" and travelled to Italy in search of his longing for the good, pre-Christian times in which the people of the Golden Age cultivated an informal relationship with their gods. Roman Stoic virtues were transported into the modern age as role models and formed the basis for bourgeois frugality and patriotism, which became very fashionable. Philologists combed through the texts of ancient writers and philosophers and conveyed a pleasing "Best of" into the 19th century. Columns, sphinxes, busts and statues with classical proportions adorned palaces, administrative buildings and museums such as the Ferdinandeum. Students and intellectuals such as the Briton Lord Byron were so inspired by the Panhellenism and the idea of nationalism that they risked their lives in the Greek struggle for independence against the Ottoman Empire. After the end of the Holy Roman Empire, Pan-Germanism became the political fashion of the liberal bourgeoisie in Innsbruck.

Kanzler Clemens von Metternichs (1773 – 1859) Polizeistaat hielt diese gesellschaftlichen Regungen lange Zeit unter Kontrolle. Zeitungen, Flugblätter, Schriften mussten sich an die Vorgaben der strengen Zensur anpassen oder im Untergrund verbreitet werden. Autoren wie Hermann von Gilm (1812 – 1864) und Johann Senn (1792 – 1857), an beide erinnern heute Straßen in Innsbruck, verbreiteten in Tirol anonym politisch motivierte Literatur. Der vielleicht bekannteste Public Intellectual des Vormärz war wahrscheinlich Adolf Pichler (1819 – 1900), dem bereits kurz nach seinem Ableben unter gänzlich anderen Vorzeichen in der Stadtpolitik der späten Monarchie ein Denkmal gewidmet wurde und nach dem heute das Bundesrealgymnasium am gleichnamigen Platz gewidmet ist. Bücher und Vereine standen unter Generalverdacht. Der Innsbrucker Musikverein lehrte im Rahmen seiner Ausbildung auch die Deklamation, das Vortragen von Texten, Musik und Reden, die Inhalte wurden von der Obrigkeit streng überwacht. Alle Arten von Vereinen wie die Innsbrucker Liedertafel and student fraternities, even the members of the Ferdinandeum were spied on. The social movements forming in the working-class neighbourhoods were particularly targeted by Metternich's secret police. Despite their demonstrative loyalty to the emperor, the marksmen were also on the list of institutions to be observed. They were considered too rebellious, not only towards foreign powers, but also towards the Viennese central government. The mix of Greater German nationalist ideas and Tyrolean patriotism presented with the pathos of Romanticism seems strangely harmless today, but was neither comfortable nor acceptable to the Metternich state apparatus.

However, political activism was a marginal phenomenon that only occupied a small elite. After the mines and salt works had lost their profitability in the 17th century and transit lost its economic importance due to the new trade routes across the Atlantic, Tyrol had become a poor region. The Napoleonic Wars had raged for over 20 years. The year 1809 went down as Tyrolean heroic age in the historiography of the 19th and early 20th centuries, the consequences of heroism were barely highlighted. Although the Austrian Empire was one of the victorious powers after the Congress of Vienna, its economic situation was miserable. As after the world wars of the 20th century, many men had not returned home during the coalition wars. The university, which drew young aristocrats into the city's economic cycle, was not reopened until 1826. Unlike industrial locations in Bohemia, Moravia, Prussia or England, the hard-to-reach city in the Alps was only just beginning to develop into a modern labour market. Tourism was also still in its infancy and was not a Cash Cow. It is no wonder that hardly any buildings in the Biedermeier style have survived in Innsbruck. And then there was a volcano on the other side of the world that had an undue influence on the fate of the city of Innsbruck. In 1815, Tambora erupted in Indonesia and sent a huge cloud of dust, sulphur and ash around the world. In 1816 Year without summer into history. All over Europe, there were freak weather conditions, floods and failed harvests. The Alps, an already difficult part of the world to farm, were not exempt from this.

The economic upheavals and price increases led to hardship and misery, especially among the poorer sections of the population. In the 19th century, caring for the poor was a task for the communities, usually with the support of wealthy citizens as patrons with the idea of Christian charity. The state, the community, the church and the newly emerging civil society in the form of associations began to look after the welfare of the poorest sections of the population. Charity concerts, collections and appeals for donations were organised. The measures often contained an enlightened component, even if the means to an end seem strange and alien today. In Innsbruck, for example, a begging ordinance came into force that banned dispossessed people from marrying. Almost 1000 citizens were categorised as alms recipients and beggars.

As the need grew and the city coffers became emptier, Innsbruck came up with an innovation that was to last for over 100 years: The New Year's apology card. Even back then, it was customary to visit relatives on the first day of the year to give each other a Happy New Year to make a wish. It was also customary for needy families and beggars to knock on the doors of wealthy citizens to ask for alms at New Year. The introduction of the New Year's relief card killed several birds with one stone. The buyers of the card were able to institutionalise and support their poorer members in a regulated way, similar to the way street newspapers are bought today. Twenty is possible. At the same time, the New Year's apology card served as a way of avoiding the unpopular obligatory visits to relatives. Those who hung the card on their front door also signalled to those in need that no further requests for alms were necessary, as they had already paid their contribution. Last but not least, the noble donors were also favourably mentioned in the media so that everyone could see how much they cared for their less fortunate fellow human beings in the name of charity.

The New Year's apology cards were a complete success. At their premiere at the turn of the year from 1819 to 1820, 600 were sold. Many communities adopted the Innsbruck recipe. In the magazine "The Imperial and Royal Privileged Bothe of and for Tyrol and Vorarlberg", the proceeds for Bruneck, Bozen, Trient, Rovereto, Schwaz, Imst, Bregenz and Innsbruck were published on 12 February. Other institutions such as fire brigades and associations also adopted the well-functioning custom to raise funds for their cause. The construction of the new Höttinger parish church was financed to a large extent from the proceeds of specially issued apology cards in addition to donations. The varied designs ranged from Christian motifs to portraits of well-known personalities, official buildings, new buildings, sights and curiosities. Many of the designs can still be seen in the Innsbruck City Archives.

Einer der wichtigsten Akteure der Innsbrucker Stadtgeschichte war Wilhelm Greil (1850 – 1928). Von 1896 bis 1923 bekleidete der Unternehmer das Amt des Bürgermeisters, nachdem er vorher bereits als Vizebürgermeister die Geschicke der Stadt mitgestaltet hatte. Sein Wirken war nicht nur lange, sondern fand auch in einer besonders dynamischen Zeit statt. Die vier Jahrzehnte zwischen der Wirtschaftskrise 1873 und dem Ersten Weltkrieg von einem nie dagewesenen Wachstum und einer rasenden Modernisierung gekennzeichnet. Es war die Zeit der Eingemeindung ganzer Stadtviertel, technischer Innovationen und neuer Medien. Private Investitionen in Infrastruktur wie Eisenbahn, Energie und Strom waren vom Staat gewünscht und wurden steuerlich begünstigt, um die Länder und Städte der kränkelnden Donaumonarchie in die Moderne zu führen. Die Wirtschaft der Stadt boomte. Betriebe in den neuen Stadtteilen Pradl und Wilten entstanden und lockten Arbeitskräfte an. Auch der Tourismus brachte frisches Kapital in die Stadt.

The political landscape of the late Austro-Hungarian Monarchy was, broadly speaking, shaped by liberal nationalist parties representing the various ethnic groups of the multi-ethnic empire, as well as by conservatives and social democrats. The Catholic conservative party had already lost influence and was considered outdated, retaining support mainly among the petty bourgeoisie and farmers, but in Tyrol it formed a bloc with the reform Catholic Christian Socials. Social Democrats, Christian Socials, and German Nationalists can, in a sense, be seen as the precursors of today’s parliamentary parties SPÖ, ÖVP, and FPÖ. Innsbruck’s municipal council was long dominated by the liberal and Greater German-oriented “German People’s Party,” to which Greil also belonged. What appears contradictory today—being both liberal and nationalist—was a common and functional pairing of ideas in the 19th century. Pan-Germanism was not a political peculiarity of a right-wing extremist minority; rather, especially in German-speaking cities of the empire, it was a centrist current that retained influence in varying forms across almost all parties well into the post-Second World War period. Anyone examining newspaper articles from around the turn of the century will find countless pieces emphasizing the commonalities between the German Empire and the German-speaking territories. Innsbruck residents who prided themselves referred to themselves not as Austrians but as Germans. Only after the incorporation of Wilten and Pradl in 1904 were conservatives able to make gains, though not enough to catch up entirely. Social democracy played hardly any role before 1918. Due to an electoral system based on property classes, only about 10% of Innsbruck’s population was entitled to vote, while women were fundamentally excluded. Within the three electoral bodies, a majority voting system applied—essentially meaning: the winner takes it all. Mayor Greil lived, fittingly, in a manner similar to a Renaissance prince. He came from the upper class of the large bourgeoisie. His father could afford to establish the family’s home base in the Palais Lodron on Maria-Theresien-Straße. Thanks to this electoral system, Mayor Greil could rely on 100% support in the municipal council until the period of the First Republic, which naturally made decision-making and governance considerably easier. Despite the apparent efficiency displayed by Innsbruck’s mayors at first glance, one should not forget that this was only possible because, as part of an elite of entrepreneurs, merchants, and professionals, they governed without significant opposition and without consideration for other population groups such as workers, craftsmen, and employees—in what might be described as an elected dictatorship. The Imperial Municipal Act of 1862 granted cities like Innsbruck, and thus their mayors, greater powers. It is hardly surprising that the chain of office presented to Greil on his 60th birthday by his colleagues in the municipal council closely resembled the chains of orders of the old nobility. Nevertheless, Greil was also a skillful politician who navigated the power structures and media landscape of his time with great adeptness. Article 17 of the Austrian Basic Law of 1867, also known as the December Constitution, guaranteed freedom of expression in the press for the first time without prior censorship—excluding criminal offenses such as blasphemy or insults to the authorities, of course. As a result, a wide range of newspapers emerged, such as the conservative Neue Tiroler Stimme, the social democratic Volkszeitung, and the liberal Innsbrucker Nachrichten, each shaping a worldview in line with the preferences of their publishers. Thanks to the reach of the Innsbrucker Nachrichten, Wilhelm Greil was able to promote his views. Despite sometimes vehement speeches inspired by the program of the German nationalist founding figure Georg Ritter von Schönerer (1842–1921), he managed to come to terms with conservative forces in the region, even though conflicts were often fierce, especially in the media. Issues such as taxation, social policy, education, housing, and the design of public spaces were debated with passion and zeal—often with violence as the ultimate argument.

Under Greil’s leadership and fueled by the general economic upswing driven by private investment, Innsbruck expanded at a rapid pace. Acting in a forward-looking manner like a merchant, the municipal council acquired land in anticipation of future developments. As a politician, Greil was able to rely on civil servants and urban planners such as Eduard Klingler, Jakob Albert, and Theodor Prachensky for the major construction projects of the time. Infrastructure projects such as the new town hall on Maria-Theresien-Straße in 1897, the opening of the Mittelgebirgsbahn, the Hungerburg Funicular, and the Karwendel Railway were implemented during his tenure. Other visible milestones included the redesign of the marketplace and the construction of the market hall. Alongside these prestigious large-scale projects, however, many inconspicuous revolutions took place in the final decades of the 19th century. Much of what was advanced in the second half of the century is now part of everyday life, but for people at the time these changes were sensational and life-changing. Greil’s predecessor, Mayor Heinrich Falk (1840–1917), had already contributed significantly to the modernization of the city and the development of the Saggen district. Since 1859, the expansion of gas pipeline lighting in the city had progressed steadily. With urban growth and modernization, cesspits—used as latrines in building courtyards and emptied and sold to nearby farmers as fertilizer—became unacceptable to an increasing number of residents. In 1880, the emptying of these latrines, colloquially known as “Raggeln,” was transferred to municipal responsibility. Two pneumatic machines were intended to make the process at least somewhat more hygienic. Between 1887 and 1891, Innsbruck was equipped with a modern high-pressure water supply system, which made it possible to supply even upper-floor apartments with fresh water. Those who could afford it now had the opportunity to install flush toilets in their homes for the first time. Greil continued this campaign of modernization with numerous infrastructure projects. The growing concentration of people in increasingly confined spaces, often under precarious hygienic conditions, brought many problems. The city’s outskirts and surrounding villages were regularly plagued by typhus. After decades of discussion, construction of a modern sewer system began in 1903. Starting from the city center, more and more districts were connected to what is now a commonplace utility. By 1908, only the districts of Mariahilf and St. Nikolaus—nicknamed “Koatlackler”—remained unconnected. The new slaughterhouse in Saggen also improved hygiene and cleanliness in the city. Poorly controlled private slaughtering largely became a thing of the past. Livestock arrived by train at Sillspitz and was professionally processed in the modern facility. Greil brought the gasworks in Pradl and the power plant in Mühlau into municipal ownership. Street lighting was converted from gas lamps to electric light in the 20th century. In 1888, the hospital was relocated from Maria-Theresien-Straße to its current site. During this “Innsbruck Renaissance,” the mayor and municipal council were supported not only by the growing economic strength of the pre-war years but also by patrons from the bourgeoisie. While technical innovations and infrastructure were the domain of the liberals, care for the poorest remained in the hands of clerically oriented forces—though no longer directly with the Church itself. Baron Johann von Sieberer donated the old people’s home and orphanage in Saggen. Leonhard Lang donated the building on Maria-Theresien-Straße—where the town hall is still located today—in return for the city’s promise to build an apprentice residence.

In contrast to the booming pre-war era, Greil’s leadership after 1914 was marked by crisis management. In his final years in office, he guided Innsbruck through the transition from the Habsburg monarchy to the republic—a time characterized above all by hunger, hardship, scarcity of resources, and insecurity. He was 68 years old when Tyrol was divided at the Brenner Pass after the war. During his political career, Greil had often exploited general hostility toward Italians (“Walsche”) in a similarly populist manner to his Christian Social counterpart in Vienna, Karl Lueger, who used antisemitic rhetoric. At the end of his career, he had to witness the Italian occupation of Innsbruck. With the introduction of the republic, the census-based voting system was abolished, marking the beginning of the end of liberal dominance in the municipal council. In 1919, the Social Democrats won elections in Innsbruck for the first time. Only due to council majorities and a coalition of Greater German-liberal and conservative-clerical politicians did Greil remain mayor. He died in 1928 at the age of 78 as an honorary citizen of the city of Innsbruck. Wilhelm-Greil-Straße had already been named after him during his lifetime.

In addition to hunger, political polarisation characterised people's lives in the 1920s and 1930s. Although the collapse of the monarchy had brought about a republic, the two major popular parties, the Social Democrats and the Christian Socials, were as hostile to each other as two scorpions. Both parties set up paramilitary blocs to back up their political agenda with violence on the streets if necessary. The Republican Defence League on the side of the Social Democrats and various Christian-social or even monarchist-orientated Home defenceFor the sake of simplicity, the different groups will be summarised under this collective term, were like civil war parties. Many politicians and functionaries on both sides had fought at the front during the war and were correspondingly militarised. The Tiroler Heimatwehr was able to rely on better infrastructure and a political network in rural Tyrol thanks to the support of the Catholic Church. On 12 November 1928, the tenth anniversary of the founding of the Republic, 18,000 members of the Austrian armed forces marched through the city on the First All-Austrian Homeland March to underline their superiority on the highest holiday of the domestic social democracies. The Styrian troops were quartered in Wilten Abbey, among other places.  

From 1930, the NSDAP also became increasingly present in the public sphere. It was able to gain supporters, particularly among students and young, disillusioned workers. By 1932, the party already had 2,500 members in Innsbruck. There were repeated violent clashes between the opposing political groups. The so-called Höttinger Saalschlacht Hötting was not yet part of Innsbruck at that time. The community was mainly inhabited by labourers. In this red National Socialists planned a rally in the Tyrolean bastion at the Gasthof Golden Beara meeting place for the Social Democrats. This provocation ended in a fight that resulted in over 30 people being injured and one death from a stab wound on the National Socialist side. The riots spread throughout the city, with the injured even clashing in the hospital. Only with the help of the gendarmerie and the army was it possible to separate the opponents.

After years of civil war-like conditions, the Christian Socialists under Chancellor Engelbert Dollfuß (1892 - 1934) prevailed in 1933 and eliminated parliament. There was no significant fighting in Innsbruck. On 15 March, the party house of the Social Democratic Labour Party Tyrol im Hotel Sonne The Republican Protection League leader Gustav Kuprian was arrested for high treason and the individual groups disarmed. Dollfuß's goal was to establish the so-called Austrian corporative statea one-party state without opposition, curtailing elementary rights such as freedom of the press and freedom of assembly. In Tyrol in 1933, the Tiroler Wochenzeitung was newly founded to function as a party organ. The entire state apparatus was to be organised along the lines of Mussolini's fascism in Italy under the Vaterländischen Front united: Anti-socialist, authoritarian, conservative in its view of society, anti-democratic, anti-Semitic and militarised. The Innsbruck municipal council was reduced from 40 to 28 members. Instead of free elections, they were appointed by the provincial governor, which meant that only conservative councillors were represented.

Dollfuß war in Tirol überaus populär, wie Aufnahmen des vollen Platzes vor der Hofburg während einer seiner Ansprachen aus dem Jahr 1933 zeigen. Seine Politik war das, was der Habsburgermonarchie am nächsten kam. Sein politischer Kurs wurde von der katholischen Kirche unterstützt, die es sogar in die Maiverfassung von 1934 schaffte: „Im Namen Gottes, des Allmächtigen, von dem alles Recht ausgeht, erhält das österreichische Volk für seinen christlichen, deutschen Bundesstaat auf ständischer Grundlage diese Verfassung.“ Die Bindung an die Kirche verschaffte der Regierung Zugriff auf Infrastruktur, Presseorgane und Vorfeldorganisationen. Gegen die verhassten Sozialisten ging die Patriotic Front with their paramilitary units. They did not shy away from repression and acts of violence against life and limb and the facilities of political opponents. Socialists, social democrats, trade unionists and communists were repeatedly arrested. In 1934, members of the Heimwehr destroyed the monument to the Social Democrat Martin Rapoldi in Kranebitten. The press was politically controlled and censored. The articles glorified the idyllic rural life. Families with many children were supported financially. The segregation of the sexes in schools and the reorganisation of the curriculum for girls, combined with pre-military training for boys, was in the interests of a large part of the population. The traditionally orientated cultural policy, with which Austria presented itself as the better Germany under the anti-clerical National Socialist leadership appealed to the conservative part of society. As early as 1931, some Tyrolean mayors had joined forces to have the entry ban for the Habsburgs lifted, so the unspoken long-term goal of reinstalling the monarchy by the Christian Socials enjoyed broad support.

On 25 July 1934, the banned National Socialists attempted a coup in Vienna, in which Dollfuß was killed. There was also an attempted coup in Innsbruck. A policeman was shot dead in Herrengasse when a group of National Socialists attempted to take control of the city. Hitler, who had not ordered the attacks, distanced himself, and the Austrian groups of the banned party were restricted as a result. In Innsbruck, the "Verfügung des Regierungskommissärs der Landeshauptstadt Tirols“ der Platz vor dem Tiroler Landestheater als Dollfußplatz led. Dollfuß had met with the Tyrolean Heimwehr leader Richard Steidle at a rally here two weeks before his death. Steidle himself had been the victim of political violence on several occasions. In 1932, he was attacked on the tram after the Höttinger Saalschlacht, and the following year he was the victim of an assassination attempt in front of his house in Leopoldstraße. After the NSDAP seized power, he was sent to Buchenhausen concentration camp, where he died in 1940.

Dollfuß' successor as Chancellor Kurt Schuschnigg (1897 - 1977) was a Tyrolean by birth and a member of the Innsbruck student fraternity Austria. He ran a law firm in Innsbruck for a long time. In 1930, he founded a paramilitary unit called Ostmärkische Sturmscharenwhich formed the counterweight of the Christian Socials to the radical Heimwehr groups. After the February Uprising in 1934, as Minister of Justice in the Dollfuß cabinet, he was jointly responsible for the execution of several Social Democrats.

However, Austrofascism was unable to turn the tide in the 1930s, especially economically. The economic crisis, which also hit Austria in 1931 and fuelled the radical, populist policies of the NSDAP, hit hard. State investment in major infrastructure projects came to a standstill. The unemployment rate in 1933 was 25%. The restriction of social welfare, which was introduced at the beginning of the First Republick was introduced had dramatic effects. The long-term unemployed were excluded from receiving social benefits as "Discontinued" excluded. Poverty caused the crime rate to rise, and robberies, muggings and thefts became more frequent.

As in previous decades, the housing situation was a particular problem. Despite the city's efforts to create modern living space, many Innsbruck residents still lived in shacks. Bathrooms or one bedroom per person were the exception. Since the great growth of Innsbruck from the 1880s onwards, the housing situation was precarious for many people. The railways, industrialisation, refugees from the German-speaking regions of Italy and the economic crisis had pushed Innsbruck to the brink of the possible. After Vienna, Innsbruck had the second highest number of residents per house. Rents for housing were so high that workers often slept in stages in order to share the costs. Although new blocks of flats and homeless shelters were built, especially in Pradl, such as the workers' hostel in Amthorstraße in 1907, the hostel in Hunoldstraße and the Pembaurblock, this was not enough to deal with the situation. Out of this need and despair, several shanty towns and settlements emerged on the outskirts of the city, founded by the marginalised, the desperate and those left behind who found no place in the system. In the prisoner-of-war camp in the Höttinger Au, people took up residence in the barracks after they had been invalided out. The best known and most notorious to this day was the Bocksiedlung on the site of today's Reichenau. From 1930, several families settled in barracks and caravans between the airport, which was located there at the time, and the barracks of the Reichenau concentration camp. The legend of its origins speaks of Otto and Josefa Rauth as the founders, whose caravan was stranded here. Rauth was not only economically poor, but also morally poor as an avowed communist in Tyrolean terms. His raft, the Noah's Ark, which he wanted to use to reach the Soviet Union via the Inn and Danube, anchored in front of Gasthof Sandwirt.

Gradually, an area emerged on the edge of both the town and society, which was run by the unofficial mayor of the estate, Johann Bock (1900 - 1975), like an independent commune. He regulated the agendas in his sphere of influence in a rough and ready manner.

The Bockala had a terrible reputation among the good citizens of the city. And despite all the historical smoothing and nostalgia, probably not without good reason. As helpful and supportive as the often eccentric residents of the estate could be among themselves, physical violence and petty crime were commonplace. Excessive alcohol consumption was common practice. The streets were unpaved. There was no running water, sewage system or sanitary facilities, nor was there a regular electricity supply. Even the supply of drinking water was precarious for a long time, which brought with it the constant risk of epidemics.

Viele, nicht aber alle Bewohner waren arbeitslos oder kriminell. Es waren vielfach Menschen, die durch das System fielen, die sich in der Bocksiedlung niederließen. Das falsche Parteibuch zu haben konnte genügen, um im Innsbruck der 1930er keinen Wohnraum ergattern zu können. Karl Jaworak, der 1924 ein Attentat auf Bundeskanzler Ignaz Seipel verübte, lebte nach seiner Haft und Deportation in ein Konzentrationslager während des NS-Regimes ab 1958 an der Adresse Reichenau 5a.

The furnishings of the Bocksiedlung dwellings were just as heterogeneous as the inhabitants. There were caravans and circus wagons, wooden barracks, corrugated iron huts, brick and concrete houses. The Bocksiedlung also had no fixed boundaries. Bockala In Innsbruck, being a citizen was a social status that largely originated in the imagination of the population.

Within the settlement, the houses and carriages built were rented out and sold. With the toleration of the city of Innsbruck, inherited values were created. The residents cultivated self-sufficient gardens and kept livestock, and dogs and cats were also on the menu in meagre times.

The air raids of the Second World War exacerbated the housing situation in Innsbruck and left the Bocksiedlung grow. At its peak, there are said to have been around 50 accommodations. The barracks of the Reichenau concentration camp were also used as sleeping quarters after the last imprisoned National Socialists held there were transferred or released, although the concentration camp was not part of the Bocksiedlung in the narrower sense.

The beginning of the end was the 1964 Olympic Games and a fire in the settlement a year earlier. Malicious tongues claim that this was set to speed up the eviction. In 1967, Mayor Alois Lugger and Johann Bock negotiated the next steps and compensation from the municipality for the eviction, reportedly in an alcohol-fuelled atmosphere. In 1976, the last quarters were evacuated due to hygienic deficiencies.

Many former residents of the Bocksiedlung were relocated to municipal flats in Pradl, the Reichenau and in the O-Village quartered here. The customs of the Bocksiedlung lived on for a number of years, which accounts for the poor reputation of the urban apartment blocks in these neighbourhoods to this day.

A reappraisal of what many historians call the Austrofascism has hardly ever happened in Austria. In the church of St Jakob im Defereggen in East Tyrol or in the parish church of Fritzens, for example, pictures of Dollfuß as the protector of the Catholic Church can still be seen, more or less without comment. In many respects, the legacy of the divided situation of the interwar period extends to the present day. To this day, there are red and black motorists' clubs, sports associations, rescue organisations and alpine associations whose roots go back to this period.

The history of the Bocksiedlung was compiled in many interviews and painstaking detail work by the city archives for the book "Bocksiedlung. A piece of Innsbruck" of the city archive.

The period of the Napoleonic Wars provided Tyrol with a national epic and, in Andreas Hofer, a hero whose legacy continues to resonate to this day. Anyone searching for a Tyrolean national founding narrative—voilà! However, if one sets aside the carefully constructed legend of the Tyrolean uprising against foreign rule, the years before and after 1809 emerge as a darker chapter in Innsbruck’s urban history, marked by economic hardship, wartime devastation, and widespread looting. During the Napoleonic Wars, the Kingdom of Bavaria was allied with France and, through several conflicts between 1796 and 1805, succeeded in taking Tyrol from the Habsburgs. Innsbruck was no longer the capital of a crown land, but merely one of many district capitals within the administrative unit of the Innkreis. Revenues from tolls and customs duties, as well as income from Hall salt production, were redirected northwards. The British continental blockade against Napoleon caused the collapse of long‑established and prosperity‑generating sectors of the Innsbruck economy, particularly long‑distance trade and transport. Innsbruck’s citizens were required to quarter Bavarian soldiers in their homes. The abolition of the Tyrolean provincial government, the gubernium, and the Tyrolean parliament meant not only a loss of status, but also a loss of jobs and financial resources. While the city suffered financially under war and the new regime, the upheaval also opened up new socio‑political opportunities. War, as the saying goes, is the father of all things, and many citizens did not entirely oppose the fresh winds of change. Inspired by the spirit of the Enlightenment, reason, and the French Revolution, the new rulers set about dismantling traditional structures. Measures such as street‑cleaning regulations and compulsory smallpox vaccination aimed to improve hygiene and public health. At the beginning of the nineteenth century, a considerable number of people still died from diseases caused by poor sanitation and contaminated drinking water. A modern tax system was introduced, and the powers of the nobility were further curtailed in line with the emerging administrative state. The Bavarian authorities reinstated the right to form associations, which had been banned in 1797. The reduction of the Church’s influence over education was also welcomed by the liberal-minded population of Innsbruck. A telling example of these reforms was the appointment of the Benedictine monk Martin Goller—later co‑founder of the Innsbruck Music Society—to promote musical and cultural education in the city. However, Catholic processions and religious festivals fell victim to the Enlightenment-inspired agenda of the new rulers. In 1808, the Bavarian king introduced the Municipal Edict across his territories, obliging subjects to maintain public buildings, fountains, roads, bridges, and other infrastructure.

These reforms were unpopular with large segments of the Tyrolean population. For Tyrolean farmers, who had long been largely exempt from compulsory labour, the new obligations represented an additional burden and an affront to their sense of status. The immediate trigger for the uprising was the conscription of young men into the Bavarian-Napoleonic army, despite the fact that Tyroleans, according to the Landlibell issued by Emperor Maximilian, were only obliged to defend their own borders. On 10 April 1809, a disturbance during a conscription in Axams near Innsbruck escalated into a full uprising. Under the banner of “God, Emperor, and Fatherland,” Tyrolean militia units assembled to drive the Bavarian troops and administrators out of Innsbruck. The riflemen were led by Andreas Hofer (1767–1810), an innkeeper as well as a wine and horse trader from the Passeier Valley near Merano. He was supported not only by fellow Tyroleans such as Father Haspinger, Peter Mayr, and Josef Speckbacher, but also—behind the scenes—by Archduke Johann of Habsburg. Upon entering Innsbruck, the insurgents did not limit themselves to official targets. As in the Peasants’ War of 1525, their zeal was driven not only by adrenaline but also by alcohol. The unruly mob proved more damaging to the city than Bavarian rule had been since 1805. Particularly severe riots were directed against bourgeois women and the small Jewish population—carried out by the very “liberators.”

n July 1809, following the Peace of Znaim concluded with the Habsburgs—still regarded by many Tyroleans today as Vienna’s betrayal of Tyrol—Bavarian and French forces regained control of Innsbruck. What followed entered the history books as the Tyrolean Uprising under Andreas Hofer, who had by then assumed supreme command of the Tyrolean militia. In total, the insurgents achieved victory three times on the battlefield, most famously in the Third Battle of Bergisel in August 1809. “Innsbruck sees and hears what it has never seen or heard before: a battle involving 40,000 combatants…” For a brief period, Andreas Hofer effectively ruled Tyrol in the absence of regular administrative structures, even in civilian matters. The city’s dire financial situation, however, did not improve. Instead of Bavarian and French soldiers, Innsbruck citizens now had to house and feed their own compatriots from the peasant regiments and pay levies to the new provincial government. The liberal and affluent urban elites were particularly unhappy with the new rulers. The decrees issued by Hofer in his role as provincial commander resembled a theocratic order more than nineteenth‑century legislation. Women were required to appear in public only modestly veiled, dances were banned, and “immodest” monuments—such as the nymphs at the Leopold Fountain—were removed from public space. Educational responsibilities were to be returned to the clergy. Liberals and intellectuals were arrested, while the recitation of the rosary became compulsory. In the autumn of 1809, the fourth and final Battle of Bergisel ended in a decisive defeat at the hands of overwhelming French forces. The government in Vienna had used the Tyrolean insurgents primarily as a tactical buffer in the war against Napoleon. Even earlier, the emperor had already been forced to cede Tyrol again in the Treaty of Schönbrunn. Between 1810 and 1814, Innsbruck once more came under Bavarian administration. The population, too, was only moderately motivated to continue fighting. Wilten suffered severe damage from the fighting, shrinking from over 1,000 inhabitants to fewer than 700. By this time, Hofer himself was a man broken by exhaustion and alcohol. He was captured and executed in Mantua on 20 January 1810. To make matters worse, Tyrol was divided. The Adige Valley and Trentino became part of the Kingdom of Italy established by Napoleon, while the Puster Valley was annexed to the French‑controlled Illyrian Provinces.

The “fight for freedom” continues to symbolise the Tyrolean self‑image to this day. For a long time, Andreas Hofer was regarded as an undisputed hero and the prototype of the resilient, patriotic, and steadfast Tyrolean—the underdog who resisted foreign domination and unholy customs. In reality, Hofer was likely a charismatic leader, but politically inept, conservative‑clerical, and simple‑minded. His tactical principle at the Third Battle of Mount Isel—“Grad nit aufferlassen tiat sie” (“You just must not let them come up”)—captures his character quite well. In conservative Tyrolean circles such as the marksmen (Schützen), Hofer continues to be venerated in an uncritical and quasi‑cultic manner. The Tyrolean marksmen tradition is a living form of heritage that has modernised in some respects, yet in many darker corners remains reactionary in orientation. To this day, marksmen from Wilten, Amras, Pradl, and Hötting march in harmony alongside clergy, traditional costume associations, and brass bands in church processions, firing rifles into the air to drive all evil away from Tyrol and the Catholic Church. Throughout the city, numerous monuments commemorate the year 1809. During the second half of the nineteenth century, the fighters were increasingly heroised as a German bulwark against foreign peoples. Mount Isel was made available to the city for the veneration of the freedom fighters by Wilten Abbey, the Catholic authority in Innsbruck. Streets in the Wilten district—incorporated into Innsbruck in 1904 during a period dominated by a Greater German liberal city council and long administered by the Abbey—were named after Andreas Hofer and his comrades Josef Speckbacher, Peter Mayr, Father Haspinger, and Kajetan Sweth. The short Rote Gassl (Red Alley) in the historic centre of Wilten commemorates the Tyrolean marksmen who—supposedly clad in red uniforms, probably erroneously attributed to them—are said to have paid mass homage at this spot to the victorious commander Hofer after the second Battle of Mount Isel. To this day, Andreas Hofer is frequently invoked in Tyrol in support of a wide range of initiatives and agendas. Especially during the nationalism of the nineteenth century, repeated reference was made to the idealised hero Andreas Hofer. Through paintings, pamphlets, and theatrical performances he was elevated to iconic status. Even today, one can still see the likeness of the senior marksman when Tyroleans protest against unpopular measures of the federal government, EU transit regulations, or—somewhat incongruously—when FC Wacker Innsbruck faces away teams. The slogan in such cases is: “Men, it’s time!” The legend of the battle‑hardened Tyrolean farmer—working the fields by day and training in the evening at the shooting range as a sharpshooter and defender of the homeland—is repeatedly revived to reinforce an image of “authentic” Tyrolean identity. The commemorations marking the anniversary of Andreas Hofer’s death on 20 February continue to draw large crowds from all parts of Tyrol to Innsbruck. Only in recent decades has a more critical reassessment emerged of this staunchly conservative marksman captain, likely overwhelmed by his role as Tyrol’s provincial commander, who—encouraged by elements of the Habsburg dynasty and the Catholic Church—sought not only to repel French and Bavarian forces but also to keep the liberal ideas of the Enlightenment firmly out of Tyrol.