about 20 years ago, when architect adolf loos came onto the scene with the house on michaelerplatz in vienna, with its completely bare façade wall, in which only the square window holes were cut, a storm of indignation roared through the viennese art and lay world (there was a heated "loos house debate" in the viennese city council). i myself, although i had a prominent leader of modern austrian art as a teacher, could not initially warm to this architectural sobriety - today we say objectivity - either. there was no lack of mockers of this latest architecture, as it was written in a major viennese daily newspaper at the time: the most modern of architects walked through the streets of vienna brooding over art - loos was pictured below, standing in front of a canal grating and staring at it, and found what he had been searching for in vain for so long.

what was then considered an outburst of artlessness and was declared impossible by the public, the authorities and the press, is now taken for granted to an even greater extent by the public in all major cities in germany and france. even in innsbruck, some new buildings and conversions (tower block, farmhouse, etc.) have been built from this new point of view of practicality.) have emerged from this new point of view of objectivity. soon we will also have become friends with the clock, which shows only single strokes instead of numerals, and it will only be a matter of time before - just like the loos' purpose manifestation and the abstraction of the hour digits - only lower case letters will be used in our writing for rational and economic reasons. apart from the fact that such an implementation in german writing is not really new at all, but merely a regeneration, and that lower-case writing exists in many foreign languages without any signs of inadequacy, it would certainly be accepted by the business world without resistance (just think of the simplification of typewriter manipulation and typesetting work, the simplicity of language teaching, etc.).

what seemed outrageous to us art disciples at the time in our generally school-educated obsession with architectural finery due to the sensible but revolutionary idea of loos' house was soon brightened up by inner realisation. when i walked through the streets of innsbruck 10 years ago, coming from vienna, i already had the silent wish to see all the superfluous, meaningless, heavy cornices and stucco decorations with which our newer houses (anichstrasse, bürgerstrasse, etc.) are "stuck on" and "decorated" knocked down - which, by the way, happened after a few years in individual places (post office building, farmhouse, etc.).

the disapproval of bare wall surfaces that is so often expressed in the judgement of buildings at present is a natural, reactionary feeling of our spoilt eye, which sees the streets predominantly overloaded with heavy cornices and window frames. therefore, the strict rejection of the new architecture, unless it shows obvious violations of reason and taste, is also very unfair. one must not forget that the non-expert and the average person, even some artists, are mostly conventionally biased in their judgement and therefore cannot claim to be truly objective.

in order not to be misunderstood, i must expressly state at this point that, when it comes to the external design of residential buildings, i am resolutely opposed to the uniform bleakness of factory construction, which is also largely reflected in the tower block. we have plenty of examples in tyrol's old towns that show how a certain warmth and individuality can be achieved even with the simplest of designs. let us now try to judge the skyscraper from the spirit of our time. in doing so, however, we must free ourselves as far as possible from the ban of certain traditional views in order to exclude those one-sided judgements that no longer have any inner justification today. weren't the painters courbet and delacroix labelled as "not classical", leibl and liebermann as "too naturalistic" due to the public's habitual adherence to traditional aesthetic principles? and what did richard wagner's art have to suffer? of course a real, true critic must above all have a clear eye and a healthy sensibility coupled with reason and know how to defend himself against the artistic distortions and gimmicks of all "progressive" artists who try to pretend their work is visionary.

finally, let us remember that it is not a question of whether a building is good or bad, not of horizontal windows or a flat roof, nor of decorative romanticism or machine fanaticism, but of the honest, truly forward-looking attitude of an architect. welzenbacher is currently building in a modern Nordic style and has achieved the best success with it. his style was well received in germany and he was appointed there. it is therefore not surprising that the tower block, as a proud representative of the metropolitan architecture of the lowlands, does not fit into our mountain world - this is perhaps the greatest weakness of the building.

as i said, the essential thing about this high-rise issue is not so much whether or not the high-rise fits in with tirol, nor even the few fanciful additions, but the act that contributes to the emergence of a new style.

Published: Innsbrucker Nachrichten / 2 April 1909

Immediately before the last meeting, the Zelger heirs sent a printed letter entitled „For clarification“ to all municipal councillors regarding the issue of building on the Zelger grounds and the construction of a public square on the south side of Maximilianstrasse.
Since this letter of clarification contains the reservation that it may be subject to further distribution, the Service and Legal Section has decided to read it out in public for the time being.
(This was followed by the reading of the rather extensive document.)

The Service and Legal Section has also decided to propose to the municipal council that the position of the municipality in this matter be characterised by a public statement, which should read as follows:

„The municipality is well aware that the building line, which provides for an extension of the square on the south side of Maximilianstraße, does not currently have any real existence and cannot have any, because no building has been erected on or in this building line. This building line really only exists on paper, but there it rightfully exists by virtue of the governor's authorisation, and if Zelger's heirs believe that they will soon be able to put an end to this paper existence, they must be aware that they have at their disposal aids that are completely unknown to the city council and its legal advisors.

The municipal council's intention to widen Maximilianstrasse with a bulge in the square does not appear to be a mere concern for urban „finery“, but rather the fulfilment of an urgent need recognised by the entire population, the fulfilment of which is moreover guaranteed by express legal provision. The Innsbruck Building Code (Law of 30 March 1896, § 3, paragraph 2) literally stipulates that when larger plots of land are divided up, care must be taken to ensure that correspondingly large and free spaces are left; and if the municipality complies with this legal provision, it can only be said that the municipality is liable for damages in gross disregard of public law principles.

It seems understandable and natural to the Zelger heirs that the construction of new roads, the construction and equipping of which with supply lines has already cost and will continue to cost the municipality large sums of money, has turned the Zelger plots into building plots with a much higher value. However, the Zelger heirs find it incomprehensible that the municipality, in consideration of the needs of the population and on the basis of explicit legal provisions, did not choose the exact building line that would be the most advantageous for Zelger's private assets when the issue of building development became topical due to the death of Mr Zelger, and they consider this to be an irresponsible encroachment on their private rights.

In response to the concession shown by the Zelger heirs at the opening of Maximilianstrasse and in order to enable them to utilise the building plots immediately, the municipal council voluntarily offered the Zelger heirs the sum of over 80,000 crowns for the square in question and the roads surrounding it, a price that far exceeds what the Zelger heirs would ever be able to obtain under the provisions of the Innsbruck building regulations, unless a decision were to be made that would constitute a manifest error of law. This offer was only able to arouse the amusement of the Zelger heirs and the municipality hereby withdraws it.

It goes without saying that nothing remains but to bring the matter before the competent authorities. However, the Zelger heirs should not expect the municipality to help them in the forthcoming dispute and take into account interests other than those of the municipality.“

The section's motion was adopted.

The First World War not only brought ruling dynasties and empires to an end, the 1920s also saw many changes in art, music, literature and architecture. While jazz, atonal music and expressionism failed to establish themselves in little Innsbruck, a handful of architects changed the cityscape in an astonishing way. Inspired by new forms of design such as the Bauhaus style, skyscrapers from the USA and the Soviet Modernism from the revolutionary USSR, sensational projects emerged in Innsbruck. The best-known representatives of the avant-garde who brought about this new way of designing public space in Tyrol were Lois Welzenbacher, Siegfried Mazagg, Theodor Prachensky and Clemens Holzmeister. Each of these architects had their own idiosyncrasies, making the Tiroler Moderne nur schwer eindeutig zu definieren ist. Allen gemeinsam war die Abwendung von der klassizistischen Architektur der Vorkriegszeit unter gleichzeitiger Beibehaltung typischer alpiner Materialien und Elemente unter dem Motto Form follows function. Lois Welzenbacher schrieb 1920 in einem Artikel der Zeitschrift Tyrolean highlands about the architecture of this period:

"As far as we can judge today, it is clear that the 19th century lacked the strength to create its own distinct style. It is the age of stillness... Thus details were reproduced with historical accuracy, mostly without any particular meaning or purpose, and without a harmonious overall picture that would have arisen from factual or artistic necessity."

The best-known and most impressive representative of the so-called Tiroler Moderne was Franz Baumann (1892 - 1974). Unlike Holzmeister or Welzenbacher, he had no academic training. Baumann was born in Innsbruck in 1892, the son of a postal clerk. The theologian, publicist and war propagandist Anton Müllner, alias Bruder Willram became aware of Franz Baumann's talent as a draughtsman and enabled the young man to attend the Staatsgewerbeschule, today's HTL, at the age of 14. It was here that he met his future brother-in-law Theodor Prachensky. Together with Baumann's sister Maria, the two young men went on excursions in the area around Innsbruck to paint pictures of the mountains and nature. During his school years, he gained his first professional experience as a bricklayer at the construction company Huter & Söhne. In 1910 Baumann followed his friend Prachensky to Merano to work for the company Musch & Lun zu arbeiten. Meran war damals Tirols wichtigster Tourismusort mit internationalen Kurgästen. Unter dem Architekten Adalbert Erlebach machte er erste Erfahrungen bei der Planung von Großprojekten wie Hotels und Seilbahnen. Wie den Großteil seiner Generation riss der Erste Weltkrieg auch Baumann aus Berufsleben und Alltag. An der Italienfront erlitt er im Kampfeinsatz einen Bauchschuss, von dem er sich in einem Lazarett in Prag erholte. In dieser ansonsten tatenlosen Zeit malte er Stadtansichten von Bauwerken in und rund um Prag. Diese Bilder, die ihm später bei der Visualisierung seiner Pläne helfen sollten, wurden in seiner einzigen Ausstellung 1919 präsentiert.

Baumann's breakthrough came in the second half of the 1920s. He was able to win the tenders for the remodelling of the Weinhaus Happ in the old town and the Nordkettenbahn railway. In addition to his creativity and ability to think holistically, he was also able to harmonise his architectural approach with the legal situation and the modern requirements of tendering in the 1920s. Construction was a state matter, the Tyrolean Heritage Protection Association together with the district administration, was the final authority responsible for the assessment and authorisation of construction projects. During his time in Merano, Baumann was already involved with the Homeland Security Association came into contact with it. Kunibert Zimmeter had founded this association together with Gotthard Graf Trapp in the final years of the monarchy. In "Our Tyrol. A heritage book" he wrote:

"Let us look at the flattening of our private lives, our amusements, at the centre of which, significantly, is the cinema, at the literary ephemera of our newspaper reading, at the hopeless and costly excesses of fashion in the field of women's clothing, let us take a look at our homes with the miserable factory furniture and all the dreadful products of our so-called gallantry goods industry, Things that thousands of people work to produce, creating worthless bric-a-brac in the process, or let us look at our apartment blocks and villas with their cement façades simulating palaces, countless superfluous towers and gables, our hotels with their pompous façades, what a waste of the people's wealth, what an abundance of tastelessness we must find there."

The economic boom of the late 1920s saw the emergence of a new clientele and clientele that placed new demands on buildings and therefore on the construction industry. In many Tyrolean villages, hotels had replaced churches as the largest building in the townscape. The aristocratic distance from the mountains had given way to a bourgeois enthusiasm for sport. This called for new solutions at new heights. No more grand hotels were built at 1500 m for spa holidays, but a complete infrastructure for skiers in high alpine terrain such as the Nordkette. The Tyrolean Heritage Protection Association ensured that nature and townscape were protected from overly fashionable trends, excessive tourism and ugly industrial buildings. Building projects had to blend harmoniously, attractively and appropriately into the environment. Despite the social and artistic innovations of the time, architects had to keep the typical regional character in mind. This was precisely the strength of Baumann's approach to holistic building in the Tyrolean sense. All technical functions and details, the embedding of the buildings in the landscape, taking into account the topography and sunlight, played a role for him, who was not officially allowed to use the title of architect. He thus followed the "Rules for those who build in the mountains" by the architect Adolf Loos from 1913:

Don't build picturesquely. Leave such effects to the walls, the mountains and the sun. The man who dresses picturesquely is not picturesque, but a buffoon. The farmer does not dress picturesquely. But he is...

Pay attention to the forms in which the farmer builds. For they are ancestral wisdom, congealed substance. But seek out the reason for the mould. If advances in technology have made it possible to improve the mould, then this improvement should always be used. The flail will be replaced by the threshing machine."

Baumann designed even the smallest details, from the exterior lighting to the furniture, and integrated them into his overall concept of the Tiroler Moderne in.

From 1927, Baumann worked independently in his studio in Schöpfstraße in Wilten. He repeatedly came into contact with his brother-in-law and employee of the building authority, Theodor Prachensky. From 1929, the two of them worked together to design the building for the new Hötting secondary school on Fürstenweg. Although boys and girls still had to be planned separately in the traditional way, the building was otherwise completely in keeping with the style of the Neuen Sachlichkeit and the principle Light, air and sun.

In his heyday, he employed 14 people in his office. Thanks to his modern approach, which combined function, aesthetics and economical construction, he survived the economic crisis well. Only the 1000-mark barrier, die Hitler 1934 über Österreich verhängte, um die Republik finanziell in Bredouille zu bringen, brachte sein Architekturbüro wie die gesamte Wirtschaft in Probleme. Nicht nur die Arbeitslosenquote im Tourismus verdreifachte sich innerhalb kürzester Zeit, auch die Baubranche geriet in Schwierigkeiten. 1935 wurde Baumann zum Leiter der Zentralvereinigung für Architekten, nachdem er mit einer Ausnahmegenehmigung ausgestattet diesen Berufstitel endlich tragen durfte. Im gleichen Jahr plante er die Hörtnaglsiedlung in the west of the city.

After the Anschluss in 1938, he quickly joined the NSDAP. On the one hand, like his colleague Lois Welzenbacher, he was probably not averse to the ideas of National Socialism, but on the other he was able to further his career as chairman of the Reich Chamber of Fine Arts in Tyrol. In this position, he courageously opposed the destructive furore with which those in power wanted to change Innsbruck's cityscape, which did not correspond to his idea of urban planning. The mayor of Innsbruck, Egon Denz, wanted to remove the Triumphal Gate and St Anne's Column in order to make more room for traffic in Maria-Theresienstraße. The city centre was still a transit area from the Brenner Pass in the south to reach the main road to the east and west on today's Innrain. At the request of Gauleiter Franz Hofer, a statue of Adolf Hitler was to be erected in place of St Anne's Column. Hofer also wanted to have the church towers of the collegiate church blown up. Baumann's opinion on these plans was negative. When the matter made it to Albert Speer's desk, he agreed with him. From this point onwards, Baumann was no longer awarded any public projects by Gauleiter Hofer.

After being questioned as part of the denazification process, Baumann began working at the city building authority, probably on the recommendation of his brother-in-law Prachensky. Baumann was fully exonerated, among other things by a statement from the Abbot of Wilten, whose church towers he had saved, but his reputation as an architect could no longer be repaired. Moreover, his studio in Schöpfstraße had been destroyed by a bomb in 1944. In his post-war career, he was responsible for the renovation of buildings damaged by the war. Under his leadership, Boznerplatz with the Rudolfsbrunnen fountain was rebuilt as well as Burggraben and the new Stadtsäle (Note: today House of Music).

Franz Baumann died in 1974 and his paintings, sketches and drawings are highly sought-after and highly traded. Anyone who takes a close look at recent major projects such as the city library, the PEMA towers and many of Innsbruck's housing estates will recognise the approaches of the Tiroler Moderne rediscover even today.

Hardly any era is more difficult to grasp than the interwar period. The Roaring Twenties, jazz, and automobiles come to mind just as readily as inflation and economic crisis. In major cities like Berlin, young women carrying themselves as flappers with bobbed hair, cigarettes, and short skirts danced lasciviously to the new sounds. In Innsbruck, American drinks were served during Five O'Clock Tea at the bar in the Knights' Hall (Rittersaal) of the Cafe Gasthaus Zur Annasäule, which later became the Alt-Innsbruck. The suits of armor can still be admired in the bay window from Maria-Theresien-Straße. For the most part, however, as part of the young Republic of German-Austria, Innsbruck’s population belonged to the faction of poverty, economic crisis, and political polarization. Right from the start, the proclamation of the republic in front of the parliament in Vienna before more than 100,000 people—who were less enthusiastic than they were curious and unsettled—was anything but smooth, accompanied by riots, shootouts, two deaths, and 40 injuries. No one knew how things were supposed to continue after the end of the monarchy and the loss of a large part of the state territory. The new Austria seemed too small and incapable of surviving. The bureaucratic apparatus of the Austro-Hungarian Empire carried on seamlessly under a new flag and name. In the constitution, the federal states, as successors to the old crown lands, were granted a great deal of leeway in legislation and administration under the framework of federalism. However, enthusiasm for the new state among the population remained limited. Not only was the supply situation miserable after the loss of the vast majority of the former giant Habsburg empire, but people also distrusted the underlying concept of the republic. The monarchy had not been perfect, but very few people could relate to the idea of democracy. Instead of being subjects of the Emperor, people were now citizens, but only citizens of a dwarf state with an oversized capital that was little loved in the federal states, rather than citizens of a great empire. In the former crown lands, which were largely governed by the Christian Social Party, people frequently spoke of the "Viennese hydrocephalus" (Wiener Wasserkopf) that let itself be fed by the yields of the hardworking rural population. Other federal states also toyed with the idea of breaking away from the republic after the plan to join Germany, which was supported by all parties, was banned by the victorious powers of the First World War. The various Tyrolean plans, however, were particularly spectacular. From a neutral alpine state with other federal states, a free state consisting of Tyrol and Bavaria, or extending from Kufstein to Salurn, an annexation to Switzerland, all the way to a Catholic church-state under papal leadership, many options were considered. The most obvious solution was particularly popular. Feeling German was nothing new. So why not also attach oneself politically to the big brother to the north? This desire was highly pronounced, especially among urban elites and students. The annexation plan (Anschlussplan) received 98% approval in a vote in Tyrol, but it never came to fruition. In Innsbruck, the Tyrolean National Assembly (Tiroler Nationalversammlung) and the Tyrolean National Council (Tiroler Nationalrat)—a concentration government with members from all parties—constituted themselves in the autumn of 1918 from the members of the former provincial parliament (Landtag). The National Council had authority over the people's and citizens' militias (Volks- und Bürgerwehren), which had formed at the municipal level to maintain public order, at least on paper. Primarily between Innsbruck and the Brenner Pass, up to 50,000 soldiers were stationed at the railway stations, causing problems while waiting for their transport home.

Instead of becoming a part of Germany, Tyrol was occupied by the hated Wallsche (Italian forces). For nearly two years after the end of the war, Italian troops occupied Innsbruck. Following the complex and lengthy peace negotiations in Paris, it finally became a certainty: on October 10, 1920, the formal annexation of South Tyrol took place. At the Brenner Pass, the barrier gate went down. On the North Tyrolean side, only a few administrative and customs buildings were erected, but in the southern part of the village, large barracks shot out of the ground to secure the new border militarily. Historical Tyrol was split in two. In Innsbruck and many other Tyrolean municipalities, pompous mourning ceremonies were organized annually on this date for years. In 1924, the Innsbruck city council decided to name squares and streets around the main railway station after South Tyrolean cities. Bozner Platz as well as Brixner Straße and Salurner Straße still bear their names today. Many people on both sides of the Brenner felt betrayed. Although they had by no means won the war, they did not see themselves as losers to Italy. Hatred toward Italians reached its peak in the interwar period, even though the occupying forces acted with pronounced mildness. A passage from the 1930s short story collection "The Front Above the Peaks" (Die Front über den Gipfeln) by Karl Springenschmid reflects the general mood:

"The young girl says, 'Becoming Italian would be the worst thing.

Old Tappeiner just nods and grumbles: "I know it myself and we all know it: becoming a whale would be the worst thing."

Trouble was also brewing in domestic politics. The revolution in Russia and the subsequent civil war with millions of fatalities, expropriation, and a complete reversal of the system cast its long shadow all the way to Austria. The prospect of "Soviet conditions" terrified people. Austria was deeply divided. Capital and federal states, city and countryside, citizens, workers, and peasants—in the vacuum of the first postwar years, each group wanted to shape the future according to its own ideas. The cultural struggles of the late monarchy between conservatives, liberals, and socialists continued seamlessly. The rift existed not only on a political level. Morals, family, leisure activities, education, faith, legal understanding—every sphere of life was affected. Who should govern? How should wealth, rights, and duties be distributed? Liberals and the Tyrolean People's Party (Tiroler Volkspartei), which had emerged from the Peasants' League (Bauernbund), the People's Association (Volksverein), and the Catholic Working Class (Katholische Arbeiterschaft), were at least as hostile toward Social Democracy as they were toward the federal capital of Vienna and the Italian occupiers. A communist overthrow was not a real danger, especially in Tyrol, but it was effectively instrumentalized in the media as a threat to bring Social Democracy into disrepute. Although a workers', peasants', and soldiers' council (Arbeiter-, Bauern- und Soldatenrat) modeled on the Soviet system had proclaimed itself in Innsbruck in 1919, its influence remained minimal and it was supported by no political party. From 1920 onward, so-called soldiers' councils were officially formed, but like the rest of politics, they were dominated by the Christian Socials. The conservative peasant and bourgeois camp right of center militarized itself more professionally with the Tyrolean Homeland Guard (Tiroler Heimatwehr) and enjoyed a stronger influx of members than leftist groups, also thanks to church support. From church pulpits and in conservative media, Social Democracy was referred to as the "party of Jews" (Judenpartei) and homeless traitors to the fatherland. People were all too eager to blame them for the lost war and its consequences. The Tiroler Anzeiger summed up the public fears: "Woe to the Christian people if the Jew-Socialists win the elections!".

While the Tyrolean People's Party dominated in rural districts, Social Democracy in Innsbruck under the leadership of Martin Rapoldi always managed to win between 30% and 50% of the vote in elections from 1919 onward, despite the strong headwinds. Under the new municipal code of 1919, which provided for universal suffrage for all adults, the city council comprised 40 members. Out of 24,644 citizens called to the ballot box, an incredible 24,060 exercised their right to vote. A certain degree of emancipation also became noticeable. Right from the first city council with free elections, three women were represented. The fact that the Social Democrats did not secure the mayoral seat was due to the majorities in the city council formed by alliances among the other parties.

High politics, however, was merely the backdrop to the actual misery. Martin Rapoldi got straight to the point in September 1919: "Gentlemen, for the moment the constitutional question is completely secondary to the population, as is whether the province has more rights or fewer rights. More potatoes is the slogan in our province." Time and again, looting and hunger riots broke out in the provincial capital. Those who had money could supply themselves with food on the black market; the rest depended on charity from foreign aid shipments. Long after the war, the province of Tyrol still required outside help to feed its population. Under the headline "Significant Expansion of the American Child Relief Action in Tyrol," the Innsbrucker Nachrichten reported on April 9, 1921: "Taking into account the needs of the province of Tyrol, the American representatives for Austria have most generously increased the daily number of meals to 18,000 portions." Alongside hunger, medical care was a major issue. The epidemic that went down in history as the Spanish Flu also took its toll in Innsbruck in the years after the war. Exact numbers were not recorded; worldwide, the number of fatalities is estimated at 27 to 50 million. In Innsbruck, at the height of the Spanish Flu, around 100 victims are said to have succumbed to the disease daily. Many Innsbruckers had not returned home from the battlefields and were missing as fathers, husbands, and workers. Many of those who did make it back were wounded and scarred by the horrors of war. As late as February 1920, the "Tyrolean Committee of Siberians" (Tiroler Ausschuss der Sibirier) organized a benefit evening at the Gasthof Breinößl "…in favor of the fund for the repatriation of our prisoners of war…". On top of this came unemployment. Civil servants and public sector employees in particular had lost their jobs after the League of Nations tied its loan to harsh austerity measures. Public sector salaries were cut. Strikes occurred repeatedly. Tourism as an economic factor was nonexistent due to the problems in the surrounding countries, which were likewise ravaged by the war. The construction industry, which had been booming before the war, collapsed completely. Innsbruck’s largest company, Huter & Söhne, had over 700 employees in 1913; at the peak of the economic crisis in 1933, only 18 remained. The middle class largely collapsed. The average Innsbrucker was destitute and malnourished. Often, no more than 800 calories per day could be scraped together. In this climate of poverty, the crime rate was higher than ever before. Many people lost their homes. In 1922, 3,000 families in Innsbruck were looking for accommodation despite a municipal emergency housing program that had already been in effect for several years. Apartments were built into every available property. On February 11, 1921, a long list in the Innsbrucker Nachrichten detailing the individual projects under way included this item:

"The municipal hospital has vacated the epidemic barracks in Pradl and placed them at the disposal of the municipality for the creation of emergency housing. The necessary credit of 295 K (Editor's note: Kronen) was approved for the construction of 7 emergency apartments."

In the early years, there was hardly any improvement in people's everyday lives. The central government had little enforcement power in distant federal states like Tyrol. For a time, Innsbruck, like many other Austrian municipalities, even began printing its own money. The amount of money in circulation rose from 12 billion kronen to over 3 trillion kronen between 1920 and 1922. An epochal inflation was the result. Then, politics woke up from its lethargy. Under Chancellor Ignaz Seipel, the Republic managed to secure a League of Nations loan. The krone, a relic of the monarchy, was replaced by the schilling as the official currency of Austria on January 1, 1925. Between 1918 and 1922, the old currency had lost more than 95% of its value against the dollar relative to the pre-war exchange rate. With the currency stabilization following the League of Nations loan, however, not only did banks and citizens recover, but public sector construction orders also picked up again. Innsbruck modernized. What economists call a sham boom (Scheinblüte) occurred. This short-term economic recovery was a bubble, but it brought major residential construction and infrastructure projects to the city of Innsbruck. In Innsbruck, there are no deliberate places of remembrance dedicated to the creation of the First Republic. The heritage-protected residential complexes such as the Schlachthofblock, the Pembaurblock, the Mandelsbergerblock, the Pembaurschule, the municipal indoor swimming pool (Städtisches Hallenbad), the Höhenstraße up to the Hungerburg, and the cable cars onto the Patscherkofel and Nordkette are contemporary witnesses that remain in operation to this day. The city purchased the Achensee lake and, as the main shareholder of TIWAG, built the power plant in Jenbach. In 1930, the Universitätsbrücke bridge connected the clinic in Wilten with the Höttinger Au. On the Sill river, the Pembaurbrücke and the Prinz-Eugen-Brücke were constructed. In Reichenau, the first airfield opened on June 1, 1925, involving Innsbruck in air traffic 65 years after the opening of the railway line. Many interested onlookers gathered on the meadow east of the city to witness the event. A monument to the pilots who fell in the World War was unveiled before the German airline Aero Lloyd took off for Munich in a single-engine Fokker-Grulich F III. In the autumn, the integration of the new airfield into the Strasbourg – Zurich – Innsbruck – Vienna route by the French Compagnie Internationale de Navigation followed. Thanks to the daring efforts of pilot Raoul Stojsawljewic, remote regions and alpine mountain huts could now also be supplied with food from Innsbruck, as a report in the Innsbrucker Nachrichten from June 7, 1926, shows:

"In fine weather yesterday morning, Major Stojsawljewic from German Lufthansa took off with his aircraft and flew toward Kühtai, where he dropped free beer, donated by the 'Löwenbräu' brewery, by parachute from a low altitude. At 10 o'clock, the Patscherkofelhaus was approached and beer from the Zipf brewery was dropped..."

Trotz der kurzzeitigen Höhenflüge war die Erste Republik auch auf lokaler Ebene eine schwere Geburt und sie sollte nicht lange Bestand haben, obwohl viel Positives seinen Anfang nahm. Aus Untertanen wurden Bürger. Was in der Zeit Maria Theresias begann, wurde nun unter neuen Vorzeichen weitergeführt. Der Wechsel vom Untertanen zum Bürger zeichnete sich nicht nur durch ein neues Wahlrecht, sondern vor allem durch die verstärkte Obsorge des Staates aus. Staatliche Regelungen, Schulen, Kindergärten, Arbeitsämter, Krankenhäuser und städtische Wohnanlagen traten an die Stelle des Wohlwollens von Grundherrn, Landesfürsten, wohlhabender Bürger, der Monarchie und der Kirche. Bis heute basiert vieles im österreichischen Staatswesen sowie im Innsbrucker Stadtbild und der Infrastruktur auf dem, was nach dem Zusammenbruch der Monarchie entstanden war. Auch gesellschaftliche Bräuche und alltägliche Lebenseinstellungen veränderten sich in der Republik nach dem Zusammenbruch der Monarchie. Der 1925 eingeführte Weltspartag erinnert alljährlich an die Einführung des Schillings und die Mahnung an Kinder und Erwachsene zum verantwortungsvollen Umgang mit Geld. Die Handschrift der jungen Massenparteien und das neue Verhältnis zwischen Zentralstaat und Bürger sind bei allem Lokalpatriotismus unübersehbar.

Einer der wichtigsten Akteure der Innsbrucker Stadtgeschichte war Wilhelm Greil (1850 – 1928). Von 1896 bis 1923 bekleidete der Unternehmer das Amt des Bürgermeisters, nachdem er vorher bereits als Vizebürgermeister die Geschicke der Stadt mitgestaltet hatte. Sein Wirken war nicht nur lange, sondern fand auch in einer besonders dynamischen Zeit statt. Die vier Jahrzehnte zwischen der Wirtschaftskrise 1873 und dem Ersten Weltkrieg von einem nie dagewesenen Wachstum und einer rasenden Modernisierung gekennzeichnet. Es war die Zeit der Eingemeindung ganzer Stadtviertel, technischer Innovationen und neuer Medien. Private Investitionen in Infrastruktur wie Eisenbahn, Energie und Strom waren vom Staat gewünscht und wurden steuerlich begünstigt, um die Länder und Städte der kränkelnden Donaumonarchie in die Moderne zu führen. Die Wirtschaft der Stadt boomte. Betriebe in den neuen Stadtteilen Pradl und Wilten entstanden und lockten Arbeitskräfte an. Auch der Tourismus brachte frisches Kapital in die Stadt.

The political landscape of the late Austro-Hungarian Monarchy was, broadly speaking, shaped by liberal nationalist parties representing the various ethnic groups of the multi-ethnic empire, as well as by conservatives and social democrats. The Catholic conservative party had already lost influence and was considered outdated, retaining support mainly among the petty bourgeoisie and farmers, but in Tyrol it formed a bloc with the reform Catholic Christian Socials. Social Democrats, Christian Socials, and German Nationalists can, in a sense, be seen as the precursors of today’s parliamentary parties SPÖ, ÖVP, and FPÖ. Innsbruck’s municipal council was long dominated by the liberal and Greater German-oriented “German People’s Party,” to which Greil also belonged. What appears contradictory today—being both liberal and nationalist—was a common and functional pairing of ideas in the 19th century. Pan-Germanism was not a political peculiarity of a right-wing extremist minority; rather, especially in German-speaking cities of the empire, it was a centrist current that retained influence in varying forms across almost all parties well into the post-Second World War period. Anyone examining newspaper articles from around the turn of the century will find countless pieces emphasizing the commonalities between the German Empire and the German-speaking territories. Innsbruck residents who prided themselves referred to themselves not as Austrians but as Germans. Only after the incorporation of Wilten and Pradl in 1904 were conservatives able to make gains, though not enough to catch up entirely. Social democracy played hardly any role before 1918. Due to an electoral system based on property classes, only about 10% of Innsbruck’s population was entitled to vote, while women were fundamentally excluded. Within the three electoral bodies, a majority voting system applied—essentially meaning: the winner takes it all. Mayor Greil lived, fittingly, in a manner similar to a Renaissance prince. He came from the upper class of the large bourgeoisie. His father could afford to establish the family’s home base in the Palais Lodron on Maria-Theresien-Straße. Thanks to this electoral system, Mayor Greil could rely on 100% support in the municipal council until the period of the First Republic, which naturally made decision-making and governance considerably easier. Despite the apparent efficiency displayed by Innsbruck’s mayors at first glance, one should not forget that this was only possible because, as part of an elite of entrepreneurs, merchants, and professionals, they governed without significant opposition and without consideration for other population groups such as workers, craftsmen, and employees—in what might be described as an elected dictatorship. The Imperial Municipal Act of 1862 granted cities like Innsbruck, and thus their mayors, greater powers. It is hardly surprising that the chain of office presented to Greil on his 60th birthday by his colleagues in the municipal council closely resembled the chains of orders of the old nobility. Nevertheless, Greil was also a skillful politician who navigated the power structures and media landscape of his time with great adeptness. Article 17 of the Austrian Basic Law of 1867, also known as the December Constitution, guaranteed freedom of expression in the press for the first time without prior censorship—excluding criminal offenses such as blasphemy or insults to the authorities, of course. As a result, a wide range of newspapers emerged, such as the conservative Neue Tiroler Stimme, the social democratic Volkszeitung, and the liberal Innsbrucker Nachrichten, each shaping a worldview in line with the preferences of their publishers. Thanks to the reach of the Innsbrucker Nachrichten, Wilhelm Greil was able to promote his views. Despite sometimes vehement speeches inspired by the program of the German nationalist founding figure Georg Ritter von Schönerer (1842–1921), he managed to come to terms with conservative forces in the region, even though conflicts were often fierce, especially in the media. Issues such as taxation, social policy, education, housing, and the design of public spaces were debated with passion and zeal—often with violence as the ultimate argument.

Under Greil’s leadership and fueled by the general economic upswing driven by private investment, Innsbruck expanded at a rapid pace. Acting in a forward-looking manner like a merchant, the municipal council acquired land in anticipation of future developments. As a politician, Greil was able to rely on civil servants and urban planners such as Eduard Klingler, Jakob Albert, and Theodor Prachensky for the major construction projects of the time. Infrastructure projects such as the new town hall on Maria-Theresien-Straße in 1897, the opening of the Mittelgebirgsbahn, the Hungerburg Funicular, and the Karwendel Railway were implemented during his tenure. Other visible milestones included the redesign of the marketplace and the construction of the market hall. Alongside these prestigious large-scale projects, however, many inconspicuous revolutions took place in the final decades of the 19th century. Much of what was advanced in the second half of the century is now part of everyday life, but for people at the time these changes were sensational and life-changing. Greil’s predecessor, Mayor Heinrich Falk (1840–1917), had already contributed significantly to the modernization of the city and the development of the Saggen district. Since 1859, the expansion of gas pipeline lighting in the city had progressed steadily. With urban growth and modernization, cesspits—used as latrines in building courtyards and emptied and sold to nearby farmers as fertilizer—became unacceptable to an increasing number of residents. In 1880, the emptying of these latrines, colloquially known as “Raggeln,” was transferred to municipal responsibility. Two pneumatic machines were intended to make the process at least somewhat more hygienic. Between 1887 and 1891, Innsbruck was equipped with a modern high-pressure water supply system, which made it possible to supply even upper-floor apartments with fresh water. Those who could afford it now had the opportunity to install flush toilets in their homes for the first time. Greil continued this campaign of modernization with numerous infrastructure projects. The growing concentration of people in increasingly confined spaces, often under precarious hygienic conditions, brought many problems. The city’s outskirts and surrounding villages were regularly plagued by typhus. After decades of discussion, construction of a modern sewer system began in 1903. Starting from the city center, more and more districts were connected to what is now a commonplace utility. By 1908, only the districts of Mariahilf and St. Nikolaus—nicknamed “Koatlackler”—remained unconnected. The new slaughterhouse in Saggen also improved hygiene and cleanliness in the city. Poorly controlled private slaughtering largely became a thing of the past. Livestock arrived by train at Sillspitz and was professionally processed in the modern facility. Greil brought the gasworks in Pradl and the power plant in Mühlau into municipal ownership. Street lighting was converted from gas lamps to electric light in the 20th century. In 1888, the hospital was relocated from Maria-Theresien-Straße to its current site. During this “Innsbruck Renaissance,” the mayor and municipal council were supported not only by the growing economic strength of the pre-war years but also by patrons from the bourgeoisie. While technical innovations and infrastructure were the domain of the liberals, care for the poorest remained in the hands of clerically oriented forces—though no longer directly with the Church itself. Baron Johann von Sieberer donated the old people’s home and orphanage in Saggen. Leonhard Lang donated the building on Maria-Theresien-Straße—where the town hall is still located today—in return for the city’s promise to build an apprentice residence.

In contrast to the booming pre-war era, Greil’s leadership after 1914 was marked by crisis management. In his final years in office, he guided Innsbruck through the transition from the Habsburg monarchy to the republic—a time characterized above all by hunger, hardship, scarcity of resources, and insecurity. He was 68 years old when Tyrol was divided at the Brenner Pass after the war. During his political career, Greil had often exploited general hostility toward Italians (“Walsche”) in a similarly populist manner to his Christian Social counterpart in Vienna, Karl Lueger, who used antisemitic rhetoric. At the end of his career, he had to witness the Italian occupation of Innsbruck. With the introduction of the republic, the census-based voting system was abolished, marking the beginning of the end of liberal dominance in the municipal council. In 1919, the Social Democrats won elections in Innsbruck for the first time. Only due to council majorities and a coalition of Greater German-liberal and conservative-clerical politicians did Greil remain mayor. He died in 1928 at the age of 78 as an honorary citizen of the city of Innsbruck. Wilhelm-Greil-Straße had already been named after him during his lifetime.

Innsbruck has always seen itself primarily as a city of trade, tourism, and academia. In reality, however, manufacturing and productive industries have played a significant role in its history. As early as the fifteenth century, a proto‑industrial form of production began to emerge from traditional crafts. Metalworking flourished in the booming residential city, driven by the construction boom and the demand for weapons and armour. A combination of factors made this possible: the city’s favourable transport connections, the availability of water power, Innsbruck’s political rise, the craftsmanship of its artisans, and access to capital under Maximilian all contributed to the development of necessary infrastructure. Bell founders and armaments manufacturers such as the Löffler family established workshops in Hötting, Mühlau, and Dreiheiligen that ranked among the leading enterprises of their time in Europe. Along the Sill Canal, mills and workshops harnessed water power as an energy source. Powder mills and silver smelting works were located in Silbergasse, today’s Universitätsstraße. In what is now Adamgasse, close to the city, a munitions factory once stood, which exploded in 1636.

The wealth generated by metalworking stimulated other sectors of the economy. By the early seventeenth century, around 270 businesses were operating in Innsbruck, providing employment for masters, journeymen, and apprentices. Although most of the population was still engaged in administration, trade and craft industries—and the money they generated—began to attract a new social stratum. This led to a redistribution within the city. Citizens and businesses gradually displaced officials and members of the aristocracy from the Neustadt. Many of the Baroque palazzi that now line Maria‑Theresien‑Straße were built during this period, while districts such as Dreiheiligen and St. Nikolaus developed into industrial and working‑class quarters. In addition to metalworking in the Silbergasse area, tanners, carpenters, wagon makers, builders, stonemasons, and other crafts associated with early industrialisation settled here.

Industrial development reshaped not only the social structure through the influx of new workers and their families, but also the physical appearance of Innsbruck. Workers, unlike peasants, were not subjects bound to a feudal lord, even if they remained subordinate to the strict authority of their employers. Entrepreneurs were not of noble birth, yet often possessed greater financial resources than the aristocracy. Traditional hierarchies still existed but began to show signs of strain. The new bourgeoisie introduced new fashions and dressed differently. Capital from outside flowed into the city. Housing and churches were built for the incoming population. The working‑class districts outside the city walls were viewed with suspicion by long‑time residents, not least because overcrowded conditions were believed to foster outbreaks of plague. Large workshops altered both the smell and soundscape of the city. Industrial sites were noisy, and smoke from furnaces polluted the air. Innsbruck had evolved from a small settlement at the Inn Bridge into a proto‑industrial town.

Growth was interrupted for several decades at the end of the eighteenth century by the Napoleonic Wars. Compared to other parts of Europe, the second wave of industrialisation arrived relatively late in Innsbruck. One reason was the delayed development of a functioning banking system. For devout Catholics, bankers were still regarded as “usurers and moneylenders,” and financial dealings were considered morally questionable. Without access to credit, however, large enterprises could not be established. Although the Tyrolean provincial government had founded the Banko as early as 1715 and a private bank operated in Herzog‑Friedrich‑Straße, it was only with the establishment of a branch of the savings bank that people no longer had to keep their money hidden at home. From around 1850 onwards, credit became available, enabling the creation of larger local enterprises. Traditional crafts—both urban guild-based workshops and seasonal rural production—came under pressure from modern industrial manufacturing. Modern factories emerged in St. Nikolaus, Wilten, Mühlau, and Pradl along the Mühlbach and Sill Canal. Many innovative entrepreneurs came from outside Innsbruck. In what is now Innstraße 23, Peter Walde, who had moved from Lusatia to Innsbruck, founded a business in 1777 producing goods derived from fats, such as tallow candles and soap. Eight generations later, Walde remains one of Austria’s oldest family businesses, and its historic headquarters—with its Gothic vaulted ceilings—still sells soaps and candles today. Franz Josef Adam, originally from the Vinschgau, established what became the city’s largest brewery in a former aristocratic residence. In 1838, the spinning machine arrived in Pradl via the Dornbirn firm Herrburger & Rhomberg, bringing textile production into the region. The company had acquired land along the Sill floodplain, where water power provided ideal conditions for operating heavy machinery. Alongside wool, cotton was now also processed.

As 400 years earlier, the Second Industrial Revolution fundamentally transformed both the city and the daily lives of its inhabitants. Districts such as Mühlau, Pradl, and Wilten expanded rapidly. Factories were often located directly within residential areas. Around 1900, more than twenty enterprises were still using the Sill Canal. The Haidmühle in Salurnerstraße operated from 1315 to 1907. A textile factory in Dreiheiligenstraße was also powered by the canal. Noise and emissions from machinery placed heavy burdens on residents, as described in a newspaper article from 1912:

“The installation of an explosion engine in the Hibler fig‑coffee factory near the main railway station has caused outrage among the residents of the surrounding district. The noise produced by this machine throughout most of the day is extremely disturbing and diminishes the value of nearby dwellings. The once highly sought-after garden rooms in hotels on Bahnhofplatz are now scarcely rentable. Even worse than the noise, however, is the smoke and stench produced by the new machine…”

Aristocrats who had relied too long on inherited wealth were increasingly forced to sell their estates to the rising bourgeoisie. For example, Palais Sarnthein—originally built in 1689—was later used by a weapons manufacturer and merchant, Johann Peterlongo. Some members of the aristocracy adapted successfully, investing their resources in industrial ventures. The growing demand for labour was met by former farmhands and landless peasants. While wealthy entrepreneurs built villas in Wilten, Pradl, and Saggen, and middle-class employees occupied urban housing, workers were often accommodated in dormitories or mass housing. Twelve-hour shifts in cramped, noisy, and polluted conditions placed heavy demands on labourers. Child labour was not restricted until the 1840s, and women earned only a fraction of men’s wages. Workers were often dependent on company-owned housing and lacked legal protections. Social security systems did not yet exist; those unable to work depended on charitable support from their home communities. It should be noted that these harsh conditions were not entirely new but evolved from rural life, where inequality, child labour, and precarious work had been common.

However, industrialisation did not only affect everyday material life. Innsbruck experienced the kind of gentrification that can be observed today in trendy urban neighbourhoods such as Prenzlauer Berg in Berlin. The change from the rural life of the village to the city involved more than just a change of location. In one of his texts, the Innsbruck writer Josef Leitgeb tells us how people experienced the urbanisation of what was once a rural area: 

“…a great many strangers, poorly dressed, crowded into growing housing blocks, filling the streets morning, noon, and evening as they went to and from work… faces pale and prematurely aged, lacking individuality in posture, speech, and clothing—no longer individuals, but a uniform, endlessly repeatable urban working class… The railway station and the gasworks seemed to be the core of this new and profoundly alien landscape.”

After 1848, many Innsbruck residents experienced a process of “bourgeoisification.” Stories of upward mobility through diligence, talent, and opportunity became more common. Notable examples still in existence include the Tyrolean glass painting workshop, the Hörtnagl food business, and the Walde soap factory. Successful entrepreneurs came to occupy roles once held by the landed nobility, forming вместе with academics a new influential social class. Even workers experienced a degree of bourgeois emancipation. Unlike peasants bound to feudal lords, they now received wages instead of subsistence and gained some autonomy over their private lives. Together with the many academics, they formed a new social class that increasingly gained political influence. As early as 1851, Beda Weber remarked approvingly: “Their social circles are unforced; one already senses something distinctly metropolitan, something not easily found elsewhere in Tyrol.”

The workers also became bourgeois. While the landlord in the countryside was still master of the private lives of his farmhands and maidservants and was able to determine their lifestyle up to and including sexuality via the release for marriage, the labourers were now at least somewhat freer individually. They were poorly paid, but at least they now received their own wages instead of board and lodging and were able to organise their private affairs for themselves without the landlord's guardianship. 

However, the downside of this newly gained autonomy became particularly apparent in the early decades of industrialisation. There was little state infrastructure for healthcare or family support. Health insurance, pensions, retirement homes, and childcare facilities did not yet exist; previously, these functions had largely been fulfilled within extended rural families. In working-class districts, unsupervised children were a common sight during the day—especially the youngest, who were not yet subject to compulsory schooling. In response, a women’s association was founded in 1834 following an appeal by the Tyrolean provincial governor. It established childcare institutions in working-class districts such as St. Nikolaus, Dreiheiligen, and Angerzell (today’s Museumstraße). Their aim was not only to keep children off the streets and provide them with food and clothing, but also to instill manners, modest behaviour, and moral discipline. Under strict supervision, caretakers ensured “cleanliness, order, and obedience,” thereby providing at least a basic level of care. The former childcare institution in Paul‑Hofhaimer‑Gasse behind the Ferdinandeum still exists today. The neoclassical building now houses a Caritas integration kindergarten and a daycare center for employees of the State of Tyrol.

Innsbruck never became a traditional industrial working‑class city. Even so, a significant labour movement—such as that found in Vienna—never truly developed in Tyrol. While there were Social Democrats and a small number of Communists, the working class remained too small to exert substantial political influence. May Day marches, for example, are attended by many primarily for inexpensive food and free beer rather than political engagement. More broadly, there are few memorial sites dedicated to industrialisation and the achievements of the working class. Only in places such as St.-Nikolaus-Gasse or in some tenement buildings in Wilten and Pradl have structures survived that offer a glimpse into the everyday life of Innsbruck’s workers. 

In the 1920s and 30s, the NSDAP also grew and prospered in Tyrol. The first local branch of the NSDAP in Innsbruck was founded in 1923. With "Der Nationalsozialist - Combat Gazette for Tyrol and Vorarlberg“ erschien ein eigenes Wochenblatt. 1933 erlebte die NSDAP mit dem Rückenwind aus Deutschland auch in Innsbruck einen kometenhaften Aufstieg. Die allgemeine Unzufriedenheit und Politikverdrossenheit der Bürger und theatralisch inszenierte Fackelzüge durch die Stadt samt hakenkreuzförmiger Bergfeuer auf der Nordkette im Wahlkampf verhalfen der Partei zu einem großen Zugewinn. Über 1800 Innsbrucker waren Mitglied der SA, die ihr Quartier in der Bürgerstraße 10 hatte. Konnten die Nationalsozialisten bei ihrem ersten Antreten bei einer Gemeinderatswahl 1921 nur 2,8% der Stimmen erringen, waren es bei den Wahlen 1933 bereits 41%. Die Modernität der Partei mit ihrem demonstrativ-revolutionären Antiklerikalismus und die Aufstiegsmöglichkeiten, die sie bot, sprach vor allem junge Menschen an. Wer bereits oben war, sehnte sich nach den Zeiten vor dem allgemeinen Wahlrecht zurück, als Sozialdemokraten noch nichts zu melden hatten. Neun Mandatare, darunter der spätere Bürgermeister Egon Denz und der Gauleiter Tirols Franz Hofer, zogen in den Gemeinderat ein. Nicht nur die Wahl Hitlers zum Reichskanzler in Deutschland, auch Kampagnen und Manifestationen in Innsbruck verhalfen der ab 1934 in Österreich verbotenen Partei zu diesem Ergebnis. Wie überall waren es auch in Innsbruck vor allem junge Menschen, die sich für den Nationalsozialismus begeisterten. Das Neue, das Aufräumen mit alten Hierarchien und Strukturen wie der katholischen Kirche, der Umbruch und der noch nie dagewesene Stil zogen sie an. Besonders unter den großdeutsch gesinnten Burschen der Studentenverbindungen und vielfach auch unter Professoren war der Nationalsozialismus beliebt.

When the annexation of Austria to Germany took place in March 1938, civil war-like scenes ensued. Already in the run-up to the invasion, there had been repeated marches and rallies by the National Socialists after the ban on the party had been lifted. Even before Federal Chancellor Schuschnigg gave his last speech to the people before handing over power to the National Socialists with the words "God bless Austria" had closed on 11 March 1938, the National Socialists were already gathering in the city centre to celebrate the invasion of the German troops. The police of the corporative state were partly sympathetic to the riots of the organised manifestations and partly powerless in the face of the goings-on. Although the Landhaus and Maria-Theresien-Straße were cordoned off and secured with machine-gun posts, there was no question of any crackdown by the executive. "One people - one empire - one leader" echoed through the city. The threat of the German military and the deployment of SA troops dispelled the last doubts. More and more of the enthusiastic population joined in. At the Tiroler Landhaus, then still in Maria-Theresienstraße, and at the provisional headquarters of the National Socialists in the Gasthaus Old Innspruggthe swastika flag was hoisted.

Am 12. März empfingen die Innsbrucker das deutsche Militär frenetisch. Um die Gastfreundschaft gegenüber den Nationalsozialisten sicherzustellen, ließ Bürgermeister Egon Denz jedem Arbeiter einen Wochenlohn auszahlen. Am 5. April besuchte Adolf Hitler persönlich Innsbruck, um sich von der Menge feiern zu lassen. Archivbilder zeigen eine euphorische Menschenmenge in Erwartung des heilsversprechenden Führers. Auf der Nordkette wurden Bergfeuer in Hakenkreuzform entzündet. Die Volksbefragung am 10. April ergab eine Zustimmung von über 99% zum Anschluss Österreichs an Deutschland. Die Menschen waren nach der wirtschaftlichen Not der Zwischenkriegszeit, der Wirtschaftskrise und den Regierungen unter Dollfuß und Schuschnigg müde und wollten Veränderung. Welche Art von Veränderung, war im ersten Moment weniger wichtig als die Veränderung an und für sich. „Showing them up there“, das war Hitlers Versprechen. Wehrmacht und Industrie boten jungen Menschen eine Perspektive, auch denen, die mit der Ideologie des Nationalsozialismus an und für sich wenig anfangen konnten. Der nostalgisch gehegte großdeutsche Traum hatte lange Tradition in Tirol. Das Versprechen, die deutschsprachigen Südtiroler Heim ins Reich zu holen und damit das Unrecht der Brennergrenze auszumerzen war ebenfalls ein gerne gehörtes Versprechen. Dass es immer wieder zu Gewaltausbrüchen kam, war für die Zwischenkriegszeit in Österreich ohnehin nicht unüblich. Anders als heute war Demokratie nichts, woran sich jemand in der kurzen, von politischen Extremen geprägten Zeit zwischen der Monarchie 1918 bis zur Ausschaltung des Parlaments unter Dollfuß 1933 hätte gewöhnen können. Was faktisch nicht in den Köpfen der Bevölkerung existiert, muss man nicht abschaffen.

Tyrol and Vorarlberg were combined into a Reichsgau with Innsbruck as its capital. Even though National Socialism was viewed sceptically by a large part of the population, there was hardly any organised or even armed resistance, as the Catholic resistance OE5 and the left in Tyrol were not strong enough for this. There were isolated instances of unorganised subversive behaviour by the population, especially in the arch-Catholic rural communities around Innsbruck. The power apparatus dominated people's everyday lives too comprehensively. Many jobs and other comforts of life were tied to an at least outwardly loyal attitude to the party. The majority of the population was spared imprisonment, but the fear of it was omnipresent.

Das Regime unter Hofer und Gestapochef Werner Hilliges leistete auch ganze Arbeit bei der Unterdrückung. InTirol war die Kirche das größte Hindernis. Während des Nationalsozialismus wurde die katholische Kirche systematisch bekämpft. Katholische Schulen wurden umfunktioniert, Jugendorganisationen und Vereine verboten, Klöster geschlossen, der Religionsunterricht abgeschafft und eine Kirchensteuer eingeführt. Besonders hartnäckige Pfarrer wie Otto Neururer wurden in Konzentrationslager gebracht. Auch Lokalpolitiker wie die späteren Innsbrucker Bürgermeister  Franz Greiter und Anton Melzer, der im Ersten Weltkrieg für Gott, Kaiser und Vaterland einen Arm verloren hatte, mussten flüchten oder wurden verhaftet. Gewalt und die Verbrechen an der jüdischen Bevölkerung, dem Klerus, politisch Verdächtigen, Zivilpersonen und Kriegsgefangenen auch nur überblicksmäßig zusammenzufassen würde den Rahmen sprengen. Das Hauptquartier der Gestapo befand sich in der Herrengasse 1. Hier wurden Verdächtige schwer misshandelt und teils mit Fäusten zu Tode geprügelt. 1941 wurde in der Rossau in der Nähe des Bauhofs Innsbruck das Arbeitslager Reichenau errichtet. Verdächtige Personen aller Art wurden hier zu Zwangsarbeiten in schäbigen Baracken verwahrt. Über 130 Personen fanden in diesem Lager bestehend aus 20 Baracken den Tod durch Krankheit, die schlechten Bedingungen, Arbeitsunfälle oder Hinrichtungen. Auch im 10 km von Innsbruck entfernten Dorf Kematen kamen im Messerschmitt Werk Gefangene zum Zwangseinsatz. Darunter waren politische Häftlinge, russische Kriegsgefangene und Juden. Zu den Zwangsarbeiten gehörten unter anderem die Errichtung der South Tyrolean settlements in the final phase or the tunnels to protect against air raids in the south of Innsbruck. In the Innsbruck clinic, disabled people and those deemed unacceptable by the system, such as homosexuals, were forcibly sterilised.

The memorials to the National Socialist era are few and far between. The Tiroler Landhaus with the Liberation Monument and the building of the Old University are the two most striking memorials. The forecourt of the university and a small column at the southern entrance to the hospital were also designed to commemorate what was probably the darkest chapter in Austria's history.

Wie der Lauf der Geschichte der Stadt unterliegt auch ihr Aussehen einem ständigen Wandel. Besonders gut sichtbare Veränderungen im Stadtbild erzeugten die Jahre rund um 1500 und zwischen 1850 bis 1900, als sich politische, wirtschaftliche und gesellschaftliche Veränderungen in besonders schnellem Tempo abspielten. Das einschneidendste Ereignis mit den größten Auswirkungen auf das Stadtbild waren aber wohl die Luftangriffe auf die Stadt im Zweiten Weltkrieg, als aus der „Heimatfront“ der Nationalsozialisten ein tatsächlicher Kriegsschauplatz wurde. Die Lage am Fuße des Brenners war über Jahrhunderte ein Segen für die Stadt gewesen, nun wurde sie zum Verhängnis. Innsbruck war ein wichtiger Versorgungsbahnhof für den Nachschub an der Italienfront. In der Nacht vom 15. auf den 16. Dezember 1943 erfolgte der erste alliierte Luftangriff auf die schlecht vorbereitete Stadt. 269 Menschen fielen den Bomben zum Opfer, 500 wurden verletzt und mehr als 1500 obdachlos. Über 300 Gebäude, vor allem in Wilten und der Innenstadt, wurden zerstört und beschädigt. Am Montag, den 18. Dezember fanden sich in den Innsbrucker Nachrichten, dem Vorgänger der Tiroler Tageszeitung, auf der Titelseite allerhand propagandistische Meldungen vom erfolgreichen und heroischen Abwehrkampf der Deutschen Wehrmacht an allen Fronten gegenüber dem Bündnis aus Anglo-Amerikanern und dem Russen, nicht aber vom Bombenangriff auf Innsbruck.

Bombenterror über Innsbruck

Innsbruck, 17. Dez. Der 16. Dezember wird in der Geschichte Innsbrucks als der Tag vermerkt bleiben, an dem der Luftterror der Anglo-Amerikaner die Gauhauptstadt mit der ganzen Schwere dieser gemeinen und brutalen Kampfweise, die man nicht mehr Kriegführung nennen kann, getroffen hat. In mehreren Wellen flogen feindliche Kampfverbände die Stadt an und richteten ihre Angriffe mit zahlreichen Spreng- und Brandbomben gegen die Wohngebiete. Schwerste Schäden an Wohngebäuden, an Krankenhäusern und anderen Gemeinschaftseinrichtungen waren das traurige, alle bisherigen Schäden übersteigende Ergebnis dieses verbrecherischen Überfalles, der über zahlreiche Familien unserer Stadt schwerste Leiden und empfindliche Belastung der Lebensführung, das bittere Los der Vernichtung liebgewordenen Besitzes, der Zerstörung von Heim und Herd und der Heimatlosigkeit gebracht hat. Grenzenloser Haß und das glühende Verlangen diese unmenschliche Untat mit schonungsloser Schärfe zu vergelten, sind die einzige Empfindung, die außer der Auseinandersetzung mit den eigenen und den Gemeinschaftssorgen alle Gemüter bewegt. Wir alle blicken voll Vertrauen auf unsere Soldaten und erwarten mit Zuversicht den Tag, an dem der Führer den Befehl geben wird, ihre geballte Kraft mit neuen Waffen gegen den Feind im Westen einzusetzen, der durch seinen Mord- und Brandterror gegen Wehrlose neuerdings bewiesen hat, daß er sich von den asiatischen Bestien im Osten durch nichts unterscheidet – es wäre denn durch größere Feigheit. Die Luftschutzeinrichtungen der Stadt haben sich ebenso bewährt, wie die Luftschutzdisziplin der Bevölkerung. Bis zur Stunde sind 26 Gefallene gemeldet, deren Zahl sich aller Voraussicht nach nicht wesentlich erhöhen dürfte. Die Hilfsmaßnahmen haben unter Führung der Partei und tatkräftigen Mitarbeit der Wehrmacht sofort und wirkungsvoll eingesetzt.

Diese durch Zensur und Gleichschaltung der Medien fantasievoll gestaltete Nachricht schaffte es gerade mal auf Seite 3. Prominenter wollte man die schlechte Vorbereitung der Stadt auf das absehbare Bombardement wohl nicht dem Volkskörper präsentieren. Ganz so groß wie 1938 nach dem Anschluss, als Hitler am 5. April von 100.000 Menschen in Innsbruck begeistert empfangen worden war, war die Begeisterung für den Nationalsozialismus nicht mehr. Zu groß waren die Schäden an der Stadt und die persönlichen, tragischen Verluste in der Bevölkerung. Dass die sterblichen Überreste der Opfer des Luftangriffes vom 15. Dezember 1943 am heutigen Landhausplatz vor dem neu errichteten Gauhaus als Symbol nationalsozialistischer Macht im Stadtbild aufgebahrt wurden, zeugt von trauriger Ironie des Schicksals.

Im Jänner 1944 begann man Luftschutzstollen und andere Schutzmaßnahmen zu errichten. Die Arbeiten wurden zu einem großen Teil von Gefangenen des Konzentrationslagers Reichenau durchgeführt. Insgesamt wurde Innsbruck zwischen 1943 und 1945 zweiundzwanzig Mal angegriffen. Dabei wurden knapp 3833, also knapp 50%, der Gebäude in der Stadt beschädigt und 504 Menschen starben. In den letzten Kriegsmonaten war an Normalität nicht mehr zu denken. Die Bevölkerung lebte in dauerhafter Angst. Die Schulen wurden bereits vormittags geschlossen. An einen geregelten Alltag war nicht mehr zu denken. Die Stadt wurde zum Glück nur Opfer gezielter Angriffe. Deutsche Städte wie Hamburg oder Dresden wurden von den Alliierten mit Feuerstürmen mit Zehntausenden Toten innerhalb weniger Stunden komplett dem Erdboden gleichgemacht. Viele Gebäude wie die Jesuitenkirche, das Stift Wilten, die Servitenkirche, der Dom, das Hallenbad in der Amraserstraße wurden getroffen. Besondere Behandlung erfuhren während der Angriffe historische Gebäude und Denkmäler. Das Goldene Dachl was protected with a special construction, as was Maximilian's sarcophagus in the Hofkirche. The figures in the Hofkirche, the Schwarzen Mannder, wurden nach Kundl gebracht. Die Madonna Lucas Cranachs aus dem Innsbrucker Dom wurde während des Krieges ins Ötztal überführt.

Der Luftschutzstollen südlich von Innsbruck an der Brennerstraße und die Kennzeichnungen von Häusern mit Luftschutzkellern mit ihren schwarzen Vierecken und den weißen Kreisen und Pfeilen kann man heute noch begutachten. Zwei der Stellungen der Flugabwehrgeschütze, mittlerweile nur noch zugewachsene Mauerreste, können am Lanser Köpfl oberhalb von Innsbruck besichtigt werden. In Pradl, wo neben Wilten die meisten Gebäude beschädigt wurden, weisen an den betroffenen Häusern Bronzetafeln mit dem Hinweis auf den Wiederaufbau auf einen Bombentreffer hin.

There are events that remain in the collective memory of a community for generations. You don't have to have been there, or even be in the world, to know that Franz Klammer raced to the gold medal in the Olympic downhill on the Patscherkofel on 5 February 1976 in his yellow one-piece suit. Franz Josef I may have climbed the Patscherkofel in 1848, but he became a legend on this mountain. Kaiser Franz Bracket. "Jawoll! 1;45,73 für unseren Franzi Klammer," could be heard from countless TV sets in Austria at the time. In order to be able to follow the national hero Klammer on his devil's ride, the schoolchildren were allowed to stay at home on the day of the men's downhill, just like in 1964. The streets were also empty during this hellish ride. Klammer achieved what many emperors, kings and politicians had failed to do. He united the nation of Austria. "Mi hats obageibtlt von oben bis unten, I hatt nie gedacht, dass i Bestzeit foa,“ gab Klammer im Kärntner Dialekt beim Siegerinterview zu Protokoll. Kein Tiroler, nobody is perfect, aber die Olympischen Spiele waren für die Gastgebernation Österreich schon am zweiten Tag gerettet. 1976 fanden die Olympischen Winterspiele bereits zum zweiten Mal in Innsbruck statt. Eigentlich wäre Denver an der Reihe gewesen, wegen eines Referendums auf Grund finanzieller und ökologischer Bedenken trat man in Colorado als Ausrichter zurück. Innsbruck setzte sich als Gastgeber im zweiten Versuch gegen Lake Placid, Chamoix und Tampere durch. Zum ersten Mal war man 12 Jahre zuvor Ausrichter der Olympiade gewesen. Vom 29. Januar bis zum 9. Februar 1964 war Innsbruck der Nabel gewesen, nachdem man sich mit der Bewerbung gegen Calgary und Lahti durchgesetzt hatte. Erheblicher Schneemangel bereitete Probleme bei der Durchführung etlicher Events. Nur mit Hilfe des Bundesheeres, das Schnee und Eis aus dem Hochgebirge zu den Wettkampfstätten brachte, konnten die 34 Bewerbe über die Bühne gehen.

The opening ceremony in the packed Berg Isel Stadium can be clearly seen in archive photos. Unlike the elaborate ceremonies of today's Olympic Games, the procedure in the 1960s was still unspectacular. The Wilten town music erfreute die internationalen Gäste mit Tiroler Blasmusik. Beim Einmarsch der Fahnen konnten Besucher zum ersten Mal im Rahmen von olympischen Spielen die Flagge Nordkoreas erblicken. Die Tiroler Schützen überwachten mit Argusaugen die olympische Flamme. Als Logo wurden lediglich die Olympischen Ringe über das Wappen der Stadt gelegt, ein Maskottchen gab es noch nicht.Auch die Sportbewerbe waren weniger professionell organisiert als bei heutigen olympischen Spielen. Das Bobrennen fand zum ersten Mal auf einer Kunsteisbahn statt, wenn auch noch nicht im heutigen Igler Eiskanal. Die Eishockeyspiele wurden zum Teil noch in der Messehalle in sehr moderatem Rahmen abgehalten. Skibewerbe, wie der Slalom und Riesenslalom der Damen, in dem sich in jeweils anderer Konstellation die französischen Schwestern Christine und Marielle Goitschel Gold und Silber umhängen ließen, fanden in der Axamer Lizum statt. Am Berg Isel verfolgten laut offiziellen Angaben 80.000 Zuschauer das Spektakel, als sich der Finne Veikko Kankonnen Gold im Skisprung sicherte. Im Eishockeyfinale triumphierte die Sowjetunion vor Schweden. Mit 11 Goldmedaillen sicherte sich die UDSSR auch Platz 1 im Medaillenspiegel, mit vier Goldenen wurde Österreich sensationell Zweiter.

The opening of the 1976 Games also took place on Berg Isel. In memory of 1964, two flames were lit on Mount Isel during the opening ceremony. Most of the 37 competitions this time took place at the same venues in Innsbruck, Axams, Igls and Seefeld as in 1964. The ice stadium and ski jumping arena were still suitable for the Olympics. A new artificial ice rink was built in Igls. The Axamer Lizum was given a new standing track to allow the athletes to start on the Hoadl zu bringen. Schnee war erneut Mangelware im Vorfeld und man bangte erneut, rechtzeitig schlug das Wetter im letzten Moment aber um und bescherte Innsbruck das Weiße Gold. Das Schneemanndla round snowman with a carrot nose and Tyrolean hat, the mascot of the 1976 Games was probably a good omen.

Die größte Veränderung zwischen den beiden olympischen Spielen innerhalb von zwölf Jahren war der Status der Athleten. Waren bei den ersten Spielen offiziell nur Amateure am Start, also Sportler, die einem Beruf nachgingen, konnten 1976 Profisportler antreten. Auch die Übertragungs- und Fotoqualität war um einiges höher als bei der ersten Innsbrucker Edition. Fernsehen hatte dem Radio mittlerweile den Rang abgelaufen. Die deutsche Skirennläuferin Rosi Mittermaier wurde perfekt in Szene gesetzt bei ihren Fahrten zu Doppelgold und Silber bei den Damenskirennen. Das Eishockeyturnier gewann erneut die Sowjetunion vor Schweden, bereits zum vierten Mal in Folge. Auch der Medaillenspiegel sah am Ende die UDSSR wieder ganz oben, diesmal vor der DDR. Österreich konnte nur zwei Goldene erringen. Mit Klammers Gold in der Abfahrt war dies allerdings nur Nebensache. Der Patscherkofel und Österreichs Franzi sind seither untrennbar miteinander verbunden. Und auch wenn die Innsbrucker nicht ganz so sportlich sind, wie sie gerne wären, den Titel der Olympiastadt kann nach zwei Ausgaben plus einer Universiade und den Youth Olympic Games niemand wegdiskutieren.

The city, supported by federal funds, was also very generous with the non-sporting infrastructure for both games. Following the rapid reconstruction of the city after the war, the city was modernised in the run-up to the Games. Innsbruck's first Olympic edition took place during the period of the economic miracle. In 1963, the Olympic Bridge, which connected the west of the city with the competition venues, was built. Until then, Innsbruck's east-west traffic had travelled through the city centre in a complicated manner. The individual streets between Amraser-See-Straße in the east and Bachlechnerstraße in the west, which make up the Südring arterial road today, were only subsequently developed and were previously quiet parts of the suburbs. Meadows and fields characterised the scenery. The comparison of aerial photographs from 1960 and 2020 is fascinating. In Amras, where today the daily Rush Hour abspielt, bis in die 1970er Jahre Bauernhöfe und einzelne Wohnhäuser. In der heutigen Egger-Lienz-Straße beim Westbahnhof verlief das Bahnviadukt der Westbahn. Alte Fotos zeigen die Gleise, daneben Bäume und spielende Kinder. Rund um die heutige Graßmayr junction a new neighbourhood was created almost in passing. The Department stores' forumwhich today houses a cinema, was a sensation and a sign of Innsbruck's modernisation.

An Olympic village was built twice and living space was created that is still in use today. Part of the former village of Arzl, which had belonged to Innsbruck since 1940, was chosen for this purpose. Today's district O-Village im Osten der Stadt fungierte während der Spiele als Olympisches Dorf für die Athleten, das durch die Reichenauer Brücke über den Inn mit der Innenstadt und den Wettkampfstätten verbunden wurde. In der kaum besiedelten Arzler Au wurde 1961 mit dem Bau der ersten Wohnblöcke begonnen. Der Arzler Schießstand, den man auf einer Landkarte von 1960 noch sehen kann, wurde eine Talstufe weiter nach oben verlegt. In den 1970er Jahren kamen weitere Blöcke dazu. Heute ist das O-Dorf, trotz der wenig beschaulichen Hochhäuser im Stil der 1960er und 1970er Jahre, dank seiner Lage am Inn, den Grünflächen und der guten Anbindung an den öffentlichen Verkehr ein lebenswertes Grätzel. Viele weitere Bauten in Innsbruck, die während der Olympiade als Infrastruktur für Presse und Medien genutzt wurden, gehen ebenfalls auf die Olympischen Spiele zurück. Die Pädagogische Akademie PÄDAK in Wilten, die IVB-Halle und das Landessportheim können als olympisches Erbe betrachtet werden. Der wenig prächtige Bau, der das ehemalige Hotel Holiday Inn neben der Triumphpforte beherbergt, das in den letzten Jahrzehnten eine Vielzahl an Betreiberwechseln durchmachte, entstand ebenfalls im Rahmen der olympischen Renaissance. Auch ein Erbe der olympischen Spiele ist etwas, das man heute verzweifelt zu ändern versucht: Das olympiabedingte Wachstum fiel mit den 60er und 70er Jahren in die frühe Blütezeit des Automobils.

For Innsbruck, the Olympic Games were not only a starting point for modernity in terms of winter sports and infrastructure. The events also mentally put an end to the stale atmosphere of the grey post-war period and spread a feeling of departure from the status of a provincial nest. It may no longer have been a royal seat as in Maximilian's time, but at least it was back on the international map. Thanks be to Emperor Franz!